N studying the history of this period it will be observed that there was one issue which was soon to overshadow every other question in Church and State. Metaphorically, as literally in the days of Elijah; who appeared on the stage of sacred history with startling suddenness as the Melchizedek of his age, might the servant of some great political prophet have announced that "There ariseth a little cloud out of the sea, like a man's hand." This cloud continued to enlarge until it overspread the whole political heavens, and then burst forth with incredible fury in the great war of the Rebellion. This issue was the old one of human slavery. It was thought that the United States Constitution, together with that "wise and Patriotic Compromise of 1820," had settled the question, except as a moral issue. But in 1854 the Missouri Compromise was declared to be inoperative and void, and the advocates and the opponents of slavery were invited to a trial of strength on the Public domain of the United States. Already the earlier Compromise of 1850 contained a virtual repeal of the Missouri restriction, which had been treated by both sections of the country as a finality. This act was considered by the vast majority of the people of the free States to be most perfidious, and intense excitement ensued. The Kansas-Nebraska bill only increased the "frenzy and wrath of the thousands and tens of thousands in both the old parties, who had never before taken any part whatever in anti-slavery agitation." The great struggle for the Possession of Kansas between the anti-slavery and pro-slavery forces continued [101] until 1859. The pro-slavery party aimed to bring both Kansas and Nebraska into the Union as slave States. Here was the unmistakable beginning of that later series of events which led directly to the great Rebellion and the most sanguinary civil war. No previous anti-slavery excitement bore any comparison with that which now spread over the North. It was felt that compromises were unavailing and at an end; "that no compromise could acquire weight or sanction or sacredness, if one which had stood for a generation could be brushed aside by partisan caprice, or by the demands of sectional necessity." There was no possible concealment of the issue, that nothing remained "but a struggle between the slave States and the free States, growing more and more intense and more and more dangerous day by day."

      It may be considered a perplexing problem in psychology to determine under what kind of a moral hallucination or mental illusion, with such social and political conditions, an anti-slavery Church could decide to send missionaries into a pro-slavery section of the country. Churches not already divided were rent asunder by this question, like the New School Presbyterian Church in 1857, which declared that "American Slavery is a sin, and can not be justified under the gospel." The Church of God would have in like manner experienced a schism had churches and Elderships existed in the pro-slavery States prior to the War. Events in Texas are the proof of this. The two missionaries to Texas, B. Ober and E. Marple, by the Spring of 1856 found everything in readiness for them to emigrate to Texas. They left Wheeling, W. Va., by steamer on May 5th, and reached Paris, Lamar county, Texas, June 1st. Lamar county borders on the Red River, the boundary between Oklahoma and Texas. They found the moral and religious condition of the people extremely low. Lynchings and murders were frequent. Yet there were many churches and church-going people. Politically the country was a unit. American slavery was one of the paying and popular institutions. No anti-slavery sentiments were tolerated. "No liberty of speech, or press, or outspoken consciousness antagonistic to that principle" was recognized. The people were suspicious of strangers. Even to be suspected of anti-slavery sentiments rendered one insecure. Excitement on the slavery question ran higher than ever before because of Acts passed by Congress and conditions in Kansas. Even before the missionaries reached Cunningham's home, upon inquiring the way of a man at work in his lot they were asked, "Are you those preachers whom the Cunninghams are looking for?" Upon receiving an affirmative answer, he remarked that he "understood that the Church which we represented is an abolition Church, and that we were sent to stir up the people on that question, and establish an abolition sentiment Church, and if so you will have a warm time of it." Immediately upon beginning their work reports of various kinds were soon in circulation, and opposition at once began. The principal charge against them was that they are abolitionists, and members of an abolition Church. To sustain this charge "a number of anti-slavery resolutions passed by the General and annual Elderships, with extracts of letters from 'The Advocate' were published." But the missionaries answered that they "are not abolitionists in the sense of that term as understood; nor yet members of an abolition Church." Violence was threatened them, and it became necessary to use the press as well as the pulpit to defend themselves and explain their position. But in doing so they offended Church sentiment in the North, and were in turn assailed by the Editor of "The Advocate," who also republished the anti-slavery resolutions of the General Eldership and of Annual Elderships, thus "encouraging our enemies and confirming their charges." "Winebrenner endorsed our course," says Marple in his history of The Texas and Arkansas Eldership in July, 1880, "both by private and printed publications, as long as he had the use of 'The Advocate,' which, however, was soon closed against him also," as it had been against Ober and Marple. The Church and its missionaries in Texas were thus largely placed in at least a neutral position on the question of slavery. They held their first protracted meeting eight miles west of Paris, Lamar county, in August, 1856, where the first church of God in Texas was organized. Marple states that "at this meeting the question with reference to slave-holders was tested. J. M. Brackeen, of the M. E. Church, a slave-holder, and a man of noted piety, respectability and influence, presented himself for membership, and was received." Several others were also received, one being specially mentioned as a slave-holder. Soon after this "the church was organized in Hopkins and Fannin counties," adjoining Lamar county on the West and South; "and within twelve months a considerable Church influence was gathered." The [102] opposition in the North became more general and vehement, so that they became convinced that "our support from the East Pennsylvania Eldership would be discontinued at its next regular meeting, and our names dropped from the Journal of the West Pennsylvania Eldership, and we would be left here in a flood of persecution, without either support or license." Then they conceived the "idea of the formation of the Texas Eldership." At first Marple opposed it, and Ober advocated it. But Marple yielded, the announcement was published, and the meeting was held with the church at Liberty, Lamar county, July 31, 1857. One resolution adopted which declared, that slavery is a religious and political question, and greatly agitated at the present time by both religious and political men North and South, we think it not expedient for the Church of God to interfere with it." And so they protested "against the resolution of the General Eldership on the subject of slavery as a test of church fellowship." Colder, as Editor of "The Church Advocate," replied that "we believe that churches can be established in Texas without receiving slaveholders. If it can not be done, then there can be no churches of God there, and the sooner our brethren come out from among such people the better." Yet, good reports of the work and prospects continued to be sent North. In 1857 A. J. Cannedy stated that the "Church of God is prospering in Texas." "We have two small organizations here, one in Hopkins county and one in Lamar, and a fair prospect for several more in adjoining counties." In Titus county Ober had been doing some preaching, and results were encouraging. The first meeting-house "for the use of the Church of God in Texas" was built by "the church at Liberty and vicinity," in 1859.

      Different Elderships adopted resolutions condemning the course of the brethren in Texas, both as to the slavery question and the organization of all Eldership. The General Eldership in 1857 took no action on the work in Texas, nor on the formation of an Eldership, as the session was held prior to the organization of the Texas Eldership, and application was not made for a Charter. In 1860 however, the brethren in Texas expected action to be taken on their Eldership. As late as August of that year they were "anxiously waiting for the proceedings of the General Eldership"; but they frankly stated that "we look for nothing else than to be rejected, judging from the past treatment we have received from the Church of the North." But Colder replied that "no application was made by the Texas brethren for admission into this body." "The Advocate" having been closed against the further discussion of the Texas Eldership, Ober and Marple, who were "publishing a county paper at Mount Pleasant," called "The Union," began the publication at the same place of a religious periodical called "Bible Advocate." Winebrenner was the chief apologist of the cause pursued by the missionaries in Texas, though a few others also took up their cause and wrote in their defense. The main points made in extenuation of the course pursued in Texas were the political practice of the slavery question, and the earlier practice on the part of some churches of God in "receiving slave-holders into the church, under certain circumstances." Colder had questioned the authorship of Ober's reply to one of his editorials, and this brought forth a stinging answer from Winebrenner in which he sought to "disabuse your suspicious mind on the subject, by telling you plainly that said reply is Bro. Ober's own defense against your austere onslaught upon him, as one of our missionaries in Texas, through "The Advocate." The personal correspondence between Colder and Winebrenner was conducted with considerable asperity, as each recognized. But as Winebrenner insisted that "the controversy is not of my own seeking," and that he had been "assailed and insulted by slanderous statements, and held up to the world in a false and odious attitude"; he averred that he was only acting in "self-defense and in the performance of a duty which I consider I owe to myself, to the brethren in the Church, and to the public at large." But Colder in his capacity as Editor refused to publish any more of Winebrenner's articles, though he informed Colder that "the Board of Publication have given me the right to reply." Winebrenner, therefore, published in a pamphlet of twenty-eight pages a "Letter on Slavery, with an appendix containing various rejected articles addressed to Elder James Colder, Editor of 'The Church Advocate.'" The pamphlet was published in 1858, when already the troubles had begun in the East Pennsylvania Eldership which threatened to disrupt the body. The Letter on Slavery was subsequently published in full in "The Advocate." Winebrenner's course in publishing this pamphlet was disapproved in resolutions adopted by several Elderships.

      At the Eldership held at Mechanicsburg in October, 1854, James Colder received as his first appointment Harrisburg station. He took charge April 1, 1855. [103] Already the speck of a cloud, a portentous sign of the approaching storm, was visible to the discerning eye. Little rivalries and jealousies, half unconscious in the minds of the principal actors, were revealed in connection with the Swatara Collegiate Institute project, at first favored by Colder under the leadership of Winebrenner, and thence, abandoned in favor of the Shippensburg Institute; and also the sharply outlined diversity of opinions as to the Metropolitan Bethel (Fourth Street), Harrisburg. Yet for two years the agitation in connection with the slavery question was the only issue which was generally recognized. The graver aspects of this question in the political relations of the country began to overshadow the more local and ecclesiastical contentions. By August, 1857, the property of the Shippensburg Institute, a school established some years before by D. A. L. Laverty and S. Knisley, with whom G. U. Harn had become associated, came under the control of a Stock Company, made up of members of the Church, so that on Sept. 3, 1857, Colder stated, that "the transfer of this Institute into the hands of the Church has so far progressed that we presume it may now be said that we have a school under our own control." Two-thirds of the trustees being members of the Church of God, Colder was elected Principal, to enter upon his duties with the opening of the Fall term, Oct. 14, 1857. Being pastor of Fourth Street Church, Harrisburg, and Editor of "The Church Advocate," Colder realized that he would have too much work if to these duties were added those of Principal of Shippensburg Institute, which he also felt it his "duty to accept." Sept. 17th he "laid before the church his resignation as pastor, to take effect on the 1st of October," and "requested the church to take immediate steps to secure a successor." The church accepted his resignation, and chose Wm. Mooney, pastor of Shippensburg church, as his successor. Colder removed from Harrisburg to Shippensburg on Oct. 4th, and Mooney came to Harrisburg Oct. 11th. Colder also became pastor of the Shippensburg church. On Sept. 23rd, "on application of the church at Harrisburg," the Standing Committee "ratified their acceptance of the resignation of Bro. Colder as their pastor, and also their call of Bro. Mooney as his successor." At the Eldership in November, 1857, Colder was appointed to Shippensburg, and Mooney to Harrisburg. On March 24, 1858, Mrs. Colder died. On May 26, 1858, Mooney died. These two distressing events determined Colder's resignation of the Principalship of Shippensburg Institute, though for the time he continued to act as pastor of the church; but changed his residence to Harrisburg. The dissensions between Winebrenner and Colder now developed into a veritable feud, a state of open enmity, in which the local church and the Eldership became involved. Colder on May 13th published an editorial, "A Word of Explanation," and another, "The New Hymn Book," which reflected somewhat on Winebrenner. To these Winebrenner replied, under the caption, "Remarks and Queries to Faultfinders," with a series of ten incisive questions. Colder published these under the head, "A Communication from Elder J. Winebrenner," in which, after some caustic introductory remarks, he took up and answered each question successively, the answers abounding in disagreeably penetrating personalities. On June 24, 1858, upon petition of sixteen ministers and delegates of the Eldership of 1857, G. U. Harn, Speaker, issued a call, "that said Eldership will meet and hold a special and extra session, at Shiremanstown, Cumberland county, Pa., commencing on Tuesday, the 6th day of July next, at 10 o'clock a. m." When the Eldership met, "certain charges against Colder, Winebrenner and McFadden, and against three ruling elders of the church at Harrisburg, were preferred and read." After considering the first charge against Colder, and three of the specifications, the whole matter was disposed of by certain findings, and a reference of the matter "to the disposition of the Standing Committee for final action, by which they are to abide." It was further resolved, that "if the above parties fail to meet the above recommendation,, then the Standing Committee is authorized to proceed and deal with the parties according to our Constitution." At the extra session Colder was enrolled as pastor at Shippensburg, but disclaimed sustaining that relation, as he was acting as pastor at Harrisburg. As per action of the Eldership, the Standing Committee held three meetings between July 7th and Aug. 16th, but at each one "Bro. Colder failed to submit his case to the Standing Committee as required by the Eldership." The Committee decided that it had "no power to appoint Bro. Colder to Harrisburg," and it "authorized Bro. Flake to preach for the church at Harrisburg until the Eldership." It also declared that it "considered the church at Harrisburg to have complied with the demand of the Eldership in submitting their case to the Standing Committee." But on Aug. 16th "the church of God at Harrisburg held a meeting [104] in the bethel for the purpose of considering the recent action of two of the members of the Standing Committee." In the resolutions adopted the church approved of Colder's declining to submit his case to the Committee. It also "declined the offer of the services of Elder J. Flake, being already well supplied by a pastor." A controversial letter, "in reply to certain proceedings in the church at Harrisburg," was issued on Aug. 24, 1858, signed by Winebrenner, Chairman, and Thomas, Secretary. To this the elders and deacons made circumstantial reply on Oct. 22nd. Officially the existing relations remained in statu quo, until the Eldership convened on Nov. 3, 1858. Charges were preferred "against a part of the church at Harrisburg," and three "charges against James Colder," and were acted upon. Everything in an official sense seemed to have been adjusted. The great battles had been fought, and the forces, which were somewhat divided, all seemed to view the final result with satisfaction. Colder had been appointed to Harrisburg until. the Spring of 1859, and he declared: "We have no inclination to quarrel with the Eldership, and are willing to acquiesce in the decision of that body wherein it has made any. The brethren had a difficult and unpleasant task to perform, and we are willing to suffer some things rather than to protract strife." And the Standing Committee two months later, in partly reviewing the actions of the Eldership said: "Harmony and concord once more seemed to prevail, and all parties expressed great satisfaction as to the result. But not everything was settled. Two elements of future trouble remained. A. X. Shoemaker was appointed to Harrisburg, and J. Colder to Camp Hill; and "Bro. Colder and Winebrenner were authorized to submit their personal difficulties for adjustment to the Standing Committee." This Committee consisted of James Mackey, Jacob Keller and E. H. Thomas. Said Committee met, transacted its business, and published its report Jan. 6, 1859. The serious character of the troubles is reflected in the final paragraph of its report: "We can not close the above exposition and statement we have been compelled to make of the circumstances, involving as it does more or less the whole-religious connection of the Church to which we belong, without expressing our heartfelt sorrow of the circumstances which have led to this most unhappy dilemma. The greater part of half a century in which we have heretofore toiled together successfully for the prosperity of our Zion, our God has revealed to us no such severe trial of our faith, nor anything even approaching the deep anguish of soul which, as the people of God, we are at this time called on to suffer. Nor can any one tell how far into an unlimited eternity the dreadful results may stretch themselves which have thus befallen us, and gathered in thick, dark clouds around us." On Jan. 3, 1859, Colder wrote to the Standing Committee: "I feel it is my duty to dissolve my connection with the East Pennsylvania Eldership. I therefore hereby request you to take such action as may be necessary to consummate the above purpose." The Committee, however, did not act on this request. Colder's review of the report of the Standing Committee clearly indicated his indisposition to abide by the conclusions reached. The church had also "remonstrated against the appointment which the Eldership had made for Harrisburg from the first of April next" (1859). It asked that a change be made by the Committee. On this remonstrance the Committee did not act, so leaving the appointment stand. In the same issue with the Committee's Report, the Secretary of the Harrisburg church council published an action, declaring that the church "will not receive Bro. Shoemaker," and requesting "the Committee to make no appointment for next year." At the same meeting the Council also recommended Colder "to withdraw from the East Pennsylvania Eldership, and we, as officers of the church of God in Harrisburg, pledge ourselves to stand by and sustain him." By this time it became evident that the spirit of rebellion had possessed the authorities of, if not the whole, church at Harrisburg, and that extreme measures were imperative. Accordingly at a meeting of the Standing Committee held Jan. 18, 1859, Colder was "suspended from the Christian ministry among us;" the pulpit of the Harrisburg church was declared vacant, and "Elder John Winebrenner was appointed to the pastorship of the church until the first of April next." The general charge upon which the suspension of Colder was based by the Committee was, that he "was repeatedly guilty of insubordination and contumacious conduct, which can no longer be tolerated." in obedience to the action of the Committee, on Sabbath morning, Jan. 23rd, Winebrenner proceeded to the bethel "to claim my rights, and to enter upon the duties of my office." He had been previously notified by the four elders that "the action of the Committee will not be acquiesced in by the church; and you are further notified that any effort on your part to exercise the duties of pastor among us will be resisted." When [105] Winebrenner reached the bethel he, to his "great surprise, found my entrance into the pulpit intercepted by a quaternion of men on each side thereof; and besides, as a further preparatory measure to prevent my getting into the pulpit, the Sheriff and high constable in attendance, to afford them aid and comfort." Winebrenner protested; offered to read to them "the power and authority under which" he acted; but to no avail. He then left the house, and "a portion of the congregation followed" him. The sermon which he had intended to preach was based on Rom. xvi. 17, 18. Theme: "The Power and Duty of the Church Against Offenders." The permeating thought of the sermon is "The doctrine of loyalty and subordination to all rightful authority in the Church." Shoemaker, having removed to Harrisburg, on April 1, 1859, addressed a note to the elders of the church, apprising them that he intended "to enter upon my duties as pastor of the church, and preach in the Fourth Street Bethel on next Sabbath morning and evening." He was promptly notified that "any attempt on your part to supply the pulpit would certainly be resisted." And when he went to the bethel and was "about to proceed into the pulpit, he was met at the steps" and prevented from going further. Colder and his followers having possession of the bethel and all church property, the law was the only recourse where redress could be secured. Accordingly, on April 11, 1859, a Bill in Equity was filed "in the Court of Common Pleas in and for the County of Dauphin, sitting in Equity in and for said County," by John Winebrenner, Isaac Stees, Jacob Updegrove, Michael Newman, Henry Clay, Henry P. Rodearmel, William Brown, George Yousling, Michael Forney, John Brooks, A. X. Shoemaker and William McFadden, vs. James Colder, John Young, A. W. Barr, Jacob Miley, Theodore F. Boyer, P. S. Atticks, S. W. Myers, G. W. Felix, John Ferguson, Jonas Rudy and Joshua Jones. Charles C. Rawn and B. F. Etter were Solicitors for Complainants.

      While there was considerable disaffection among the churches on three or four of the fields in the Eldership as a result of these troubles at Harrisburg, there were no other schisms; and while it produced a degree of lukewarmness, few severed their church relations. One minister, however, was disciplined for co-operating with Colder after his suspension, but he remained a faithful member of the Eldership for many years, and died loyal to the cause. Three others withdrew from the Eldership, one of which was restored later, and another one made tentative overtures.

      When people were more superstitious than they are now, and had still remnants of the faith of the ancient Greeks and Romans in omens, signs and portents of calamitous events, what has already passed under review, and controversies, difficulties and variances following, might seem foreshadowed in the distressing announcement at the close of the preceding period, and more fully at the opening of the present period, of the death of M. F. Snavely, North Bend, Ia., as the result of a railroad accident, on the Chicago and Rock Island Railroad, near Joliet, Ill., which occurred to the train on which he and Mrs. Snavely were returning from a visit to East Pennsylvania. Both he and his wife were "badly scalded," and he died eleven days thereafter. He was not quite forty-five years of age, and was "an amiable and affectionate minister of the Church of God, greatly esteemed by all that became acquainted with him."' The only other catastrophe recorded was the destruction by fire of the meeting-house in Adams county, Ind., Dec. 2, 1859, "believed to have been set on fire." But there were more or less troubles and contentions, and numerous controversies and debates. A good deal of the acrimonious belligerency incident to the division in Harrisburg and the Texas Mission disagreement was carried into western Elderships through the dissemination of Winebrenner's Pamphlet on Slavery. The anti-slavery feeling was more acute in the Church in the West than in the East. The Dred Scott decision in 1857, and the bitter contest between Free Soil and Pro-Slavery emigrants which at the same time were pouring into Kansas, each determined its adherents should decide the destiny of that grand Commonwealth, did not tend to put the western religious mind in a state to consider even the question of the possibility of a slave-holder's regeneration as a test of his fellowship in an anti-slavery Church. This was immediately followed by a strong and protracted discussion by Harn and others of "Politics, Religion and Slavery." Harn was as much in his native element in a debate as the bird in the air. It was his daily diversion. And it was immaterial to him whether it was theology, religion, or politics. A debate reported in the early months of 1855, in the "neighborhood of Winfield, Tuscarawas county, Ohio, was between Harn and J. Weaver, who ten years later was elected a Bishop of the United [106] Brethren Church, who for his Church "performed service with a degree of success and acceptability not surpassed in its history." Harn affirmed that "Immersion is the action ordained by Jesus Christ as the one only baptism." Weaver denied. Weaver affirmed that "Children of believing parents are proper subjects of baptism." Harn denied. J. W. West wrote: "The whole was a decided victory in favor of gospel truth, which has since been fully attested."

      It was not often that ministers of the Church of God came in contact with ministers of the Protestant and Methodist Church, as their territory was largely, along and below the southern borders of that of the Church of God. But in Maryland and the southern part of the territory of the West Pennsylvania Eldership fields somewhat overlapped. It was in this territory that Joseph Glenn, of the West Pennsylvania Eldership, heard Rev. McCullough, of the Protestant Methodist Church, on a sacramental occasion, preach a sermon in which he "alluded to the humiliation of the Son of God, who condescended to wash his disciples' feet in accordance with an ancient custom." At the close of the services, as was then not uncommon, Glenn "challenged the proof of this statement." McCullough in return "demanded proof that washing feet is an ordinance in the Christian Church." Correspondence followed, and a debate was arranged. Neither was considered a debater, but Glenn was credited with having "discomfited his opponent."

      The first public debate by A. Swartz was held at Mt. Joy, Pa., with T. Montgomery, of the Methodist Episcopal Church, beginning July 15, 1856. There were four propositions debated, to wit: Swartz affirmed "that the immersion in water of a proper subject, in the name of the Trinity, is the only action of Christian Baptism ordained by Jesus Christ." He also affirmed "that believers are the only subjects of Christian baptism." Montgomery affirmed "that sprinkling or pouring water on a suitable subject, in the name of the Trinity, is Christian or scriptural baptism." Also, "that the Scriptures teach that infants should be baptized." The brethren had complete confidence in Swartz's ability to defend successfully his propositions. He was an analytical reasoner of exceptional power. He could follow a line of deductive reasoning with equal facility. His arguments were cold logic, as he was apparently a man of largely undeveloped but nascent sensibilities. He had, too, that tremendous firmness of purpose never to be trifled with in an opponent. Winebrenner and other ministers of the Church were present and gave Swartz their moral support, and perhaps more, as Montgomery "charged his opponent with being surrounded with a conclave of his brethren, who were counseling and sustaining him." Winebrenner said: "The debaters in this contest were pretty well matched," without any special commendation of Swartz beyond stating that "believer's baptism by immersion stands sure and safe." He did not approve of, and delight in, such "public discussions;" but he attended this one "for the purpose of reporting the outlines" for the columns of "The Church Advocate." Perhaps the best fruits of this debate was that it led Swartz to write his work, "The Trial of Mr. Pedo-baptist," of which Colder said that it "promises to be not only very interesting and readable, but also a very valuable help to all who are contending for the right ways of the Lord"; that, it is "a storehouse of arguments for all our preachers and people."

      Discussions between the ministers, with an occasional layman and one woman, also marked this period. It was in some things a transition period. The science and art of music were being more generally taught. This was somewhat of a specialty with H. L. and J. B. Soule, both ministers in the East Pennsylvania Eldership. They not only taught music, but gave "concerts of sacred music" and "musical festivals," and strongly urged more scientific singing at church services; but they favored the introduction of choirs and instrumental music. Colder, Winebrenner and other ministers were in sympathy with them, although Winebrenner deprecated "the tendency and fashion of the times as calculated to drive congregational singing from the house of God. Choirs and organs are becoming the order of the day, and people who attempt to comply with the instructions of Paul are regarded rude and unchaste. In fine, the tendency of the day is to elevate the choir to do all the singing." Even Bishop McIlvaine, Protestant Episcopal Church, in a pastoral letter spoke in similar vein. In this controversy, which continued for several years, Ellen Stewart, of Copley, Ohio, who also was a preacher, though unordained, took a conspicuous part, declaring that as under the Levitical dispensation "their worship was necessarily so much of the outward sort, they could employ musical instruments; but as our worship is so inward and spiritual, we have serious [107] doubts whether we can worship acceptably in the use of them." In the churches this controversy often waxed quite warm and created a great deal of friction and bad feeling. The change which was impending was a revolution.

      Ellen Stewart naturally figured in the revival of another controversy, which as yet had few to take the affirmative--the right of a woman to preach the gospel. She castigated some Methodist ministers through "The Church Advocate," who had treated her "with great respect as a private member," but when "under a strong impression of duty she asked permission to deliver an exhortation to the people, was repulsed with silent contempt." She argued her side of the question with a good measure of skill. She had an opponent in Maria E. Brown, but she had less of the argumentative faculty. As yet there was no disposition apparent among women to enter the ministry, and no one had been licensed by any Eldership. But women in the churches of God freely exercised the right to pray in public.

      From 1856 to 1859, under initiative by Harn, who was irrepressible, the question of the use of the plural of "Church" in Eldership titles was agitated in print and on the floors of the different Elderships. It might be inferred that the Editor of "The Church Advocate," Winebrenner, was disinclined to open the columns of the paper for a discussion of the subject, as the Ohio Standing Committee in April, 1857, "urgently requested" him "to permit Bro. G. U. Harn to express his views on the Church title in the columns of the paper." His resolution to use the plural in the Constitution of the East Pennsylvania Eldership had been adopted In 1853, but rescinded in 1854. Whether in active opposition or not, Winebrenner's patient, silent influence was the one great obstacle which Harn could not conquer. Yet in no other trial of strength did he so nearly succeed as in this. It must always be assumed, however strong the temptation to the contrary, that the actions of disputants proceed from pure and honest and upright motives; and so, though ambition and rivalry might have been strong elements in his character, it is but just to Harn to credit him rather with having not a particle of respect for the opinions of any man or body of men, but homage solely for the truth itself as he perceived it. Strong men were on both sides in all the Elderships. But in this trial of strength Harn temporarily gained the victory. Colder, in the first volume of the paper under his control, spoke in the Preface of the "Mission of the Churches of God." By October, 1859, the West Ohio Eldership, the East Ohio Eldership, the Southern Illinois and Indiana Eldership, the Iowa Eldership, the Indiana Eldership, the Illinois Eldership and the Michigan Eldership used the plural title. Yet in 1860, when the Amended Constitution of the General Eldership was under consideration, and Harn offered his amendment "to use the plural form of the word 'Church,'" the "amendment was lost."

      From 1856 to 1859 the subject of ordination of ministers, and sometimes of lay-elders, by the imposition of hands was continued from the previous period. It was practiced in the local churches in some localities as early as 1831 and 1832, when they exercised the power to license men to preach the gospel. Winebrenner in his "Scriptural View of the Church of God," published in 1829, taught that after choosing men to fill the office of elder, including the two classes of elders, "there ought to be a public declaration and recognition of it. . . . . . . either with or without the laying on of the hands of the presbytery." He was never an advocate of the laying on of hands. "Justice" held that Heb. vi. 12 taught "that baptism and the laying on of hands are visible ordinances," and that "each of these is declared by the authority of the Holy Ghost to be a 'principle, or first principle of the doctrine of Christ.'" His conclusion was that we "are no more at liberty to reject the laying on of hands than we are to refuse repentance, baptism, the resurrection of the dead, or the final judgment." The discussion originated in a resolution of the General Eldership in 1854, which "referred the discussion of the subject to the columns of 'The Advocate.'" But the resolution affirmed that. "ministers among us should be solemnly set apart by prayer and the imposition of hands by one or more of the bishops of the Church of God." In opposition to the doctrine of the resolution was A. Swartz, who unlike Irenæus as being all for peace, was generally ready for a debate. He could have waited for the advocates of the resolution to maintain its teaching, but they were silent. Harn, with a genius for controversy which was both good-natured and caustic, marshalled his arguments in support of the resolution; arguments of which he ingenuously said, "If they are capable of refutation, I confess I am inadequate to the task." E. H. Thomas, a calm, clear-headed reasoner, unpretentious, but convincing, so forcibly set forth the [108] affirmative side of the question that Swartz concluded "he no doubt feels great security and hope of success," as "he signifies his position to be invulnerable." Winebrenner also entered the arena of debate, and declared that "Bro. Thomas is mistaken in his corollaries or consequent truths drawn, as he affirms, from this discussion." And he affirmed, "that our practice is apostolic, and, of course, in harmony with the New Testament." James Mackey, James Colder and a few others also participated in this protracted discussion. Only on the question of tithing did Winebrenner write at such length as he did on the laying on of hands, and he felt convinced that "by the strong array of arguments we have succeeded in showing, not only from the testimony and admissions of eminent writers on the other side of this question; but by strong and conclusive arguments drawn directly from Scripture and sound reason, that" our opponents are "evidently in error on this subject."

      Somewhat edifying and instructive discussions of three or four other topics mark this period. Among these was the old question of Christian union, on which Mackey wrote a series of discriminating articles. The writers of the Church of God were always indisposed to advocate Church union, insisting that this is not the union taught in the New Testament.

      The order of the ordinances provoked controversy, as it was reversed in practice in the German Eldership, and to some extent in the Indiana Eldership.

      Harn, a persistent advocate of the Bible Union project of a new version of the Scriptures, started a discussion, in which he had Thomas as an antagonist, of the translation of ekkleesia. He would reject the word "church," and substitute "congregation" or "assembly."

      An animated discussion of "Creeds" occurred, as a few believed a declaration of what the Church of God believed would be proper and serviceable. Mackey, R. H. Bolton, H. L. Soule and S. M. Hoover were the principals in this discussion. As to Creeds, in the more common sense of the term, the avowed advocates were indisposed to show their hands. But there were signs of a tendency to be as our neighbors in that the phrase "our Church" had gained some currency, as also the prefix "Rev.," and the designation of the Church as a "denomination." It was also charged that a leaning toward "independency" which might threaten disintegration was fostered in various quarters. Ohio seemed to be the best soil at this time for such a growth, when it was charged by the leaders that there is "a prevalent opinion that the churches have a right to reject whom they please, and make their selection of any man from any field of labor."

      Dependence for church upbuilding and enlargement up to this time was almost exclusively on revivals and camp-meetings. They considered these two methods of soul-saving closely connected. They were mutual outgrowths of each other, and as the latter became less fruitful in conversions, they were discontinued. It was still customary in many churches to have a day of fasting and prayer preceding a "revival meeting." For they were so accustomed to see sinners converted at their protracted meetings, which with them was a "revival," that they called them so in anticipation. But during 1855 and 1856 the revivals were not so numerous, and generally also fewer conversions. There were a few rather extraordinary exceptions, like that at Mt. Joy, Lancaster county, Pa., where up to Feb. 21, 1856, "over one hundred had already professed conversion." It was not uncommon for reports to end much in the way Winebrenner ended his brief reference to the revival at Harrisburg: "From eight to twelve are nightly out at the altar; but not half as many converts as we should like to see." At some smaller and newer points proportionately better results were witnessed. In 1857 the country experienced one of the most general and disastrous financial panics in its history. It was recognized as a "crisis," and in many pulpits became a theme for sermons. It was presented as "a season of peculiar distress," and as a divine visitation as "a consequence of the sins of the people." Fasting and repentance were strongly urged. Whatever the philosophic relation of such events to the kingdom of grace, they are quite frequently followed, or accompanied with increased religious fervor. And so in this instance, more revivals were reported in the latter part of 1857 and the beginning of 1858 than for several preceding years. From all over the territory of the different Elderships came the same enthusiastic reports of meetings of unusual interest and results. Writing on the prevalence and power of these meetings on March 18, 1858, the Editor of "The Church Advocate," James Colder, said: "There is at present in progress in our country a revival of religion so extensive and glorious that it well deserves the name Great. Making its appearance in New York City, it has spread to hundreds of churches in other places, until now it is accomplishing its heavenly mission in about twenty-three States of the Union. So extensive has been the revival that it has been estimated that in one of the weeks recently passed fifty thousand persons professed to be converted." And reviewing this period on Jan. 26, 1860, the new Editor, E. H. Thomas, said: "The years 1857-58 will long be remembered, especially in the large cities of our own country, as seasons of great outpourings of the Spirit of God, under the influence of which tens of thousands were brought under the converting power of divine grace." But this marvelous "refreshing from the presence of the Lord" was followed in 1859 by "a great drought in revival news."

      In 1855 camp-meetings seemed to languish; interest waned; criticism developed; ministers and even Standing Committees urged churches in the matter, and the indisposition to tent reduced the number of tenters to a minimum in some places. Yet there were eighteen camp-meetings held this year, to wit: In Iowa, two; in Illinois, two; in Indiana, two; in Ohio, five; in East Pennsylvania, six, and in Maryland, one. The results were discouraging, as less than one hundred conversions were witnessed.

      In 1856, with the approach of the camp-meeting season, J. F. Weishampel, Jr., under the Department Head in "The Advocate" of "Baltimore Editorial Department," conducted by him, published a two-column article "Against Camp-meetings." His objections, however, were mainly against such gatherings near large towns, because "the evil committed overbalances the good that accrues." But the churches were not ready to accept this view, and hence vigorous replies to Weishampel's article by G. W. Wilson, of Ohio; and by "Augustus," were at once published. That the churches endorsed these sentiments is evidenced by the fact that twenty-four camp-meetings were held in 1856, distributed very much as in 1855. The results in the way of conversions were much more meager than in 1855.

      Iowa in 1856 had increased the number of its camp-meetings to three. In 1857 an effort was made by the Standing Committee to increase the number; but instead only two were asked for, and so the Committee "earnestly urged the brethren and sisters of the churches of God in Iowa to take an interest in the camp-meeting enterprise." When the Ohio Standing Committee met to arrange for the camp-meetings for 1857 there "had been no applications." Ministers, however, took the matter up, and as a result, five camp-meetings were arranged for. East Pennsylvania and Maryland held fifteen; Iowa, two; Illinois, two; Indiana, one, and West Pennsylvania, one, making a total of twenty-six. The reported number of conversions was over one hundred, though not quite half the meetings were reported in "The Church Advocate."

      In 1858 the number of camp-meetings was reduced to fourteen, of which four were in the East Pennsylvania Eldership, two in West Pennsylvania, four in Ohio, one in Indiana, one in Illinois and two in Iowa. At some of these meetings there were no conversions. At others "several" were reported. "Not much in the way of conversions," reported another pastor. Eighty-five is the total reported.

      The total number of camp-meetings in 1859 was twenty, the increase being in East and West Pennsylvania Elderships. But fifty-six conversions were definitely reported, while other pastors reported "a few," "some," "small number," "not numerous," "fruits not so much as we could have wished."

      But while results of camp-meetings were far below expectations, work through other means made gratifying progress. The first steps were taken to extend the territory West of the Missouri river. As early as 1847 H. Roop, of the Ohio Eldership, had removed to Missouri; but he remained only a short time. The section of the State eastward of the Missouri river and bordering on Iowa was the earliest to attract Church of God emigrants. In Clark county, in 1855, Henry Sherick and family located, and called for preaching. In 1857 George Thomas and family and Samuel Thomas and family, of Bedford county, Pa., removed to Greene county, Mo., in the southwestern part of the State. They invited ministers to visit them. In 1859 other families from Blair county, Pa., emigrated to the same section of the State. But up to this date no regular Church work was done in the State.

      A mission was started in Nebraska in 1857. On Feb. 20th Winebrenner announced that it was the intention of the Board of Missions of East Pennsylvania Eldership to send a missionary to Nebraska and one to Kansas in the Spring, "if we can raise the funds." The inception of this project should be attributed to a "B. B. . . . . . ." (Dr. Becker), who on Dec. 16, 1856, reported from Wyoming City, "a new town situated in Nebraska Territory, at the mouth of Weeping-Water river, [110] surveyed and platted in September, 1856," that "one lot will be given to the Church of God for a meeting-house and parsonage, and a piece of ground for a cemetery." On March 4, 1857, the Board of Missions appointed I. E. Boyer, of Mt. Joy, and "former missionary to Illinois," to Wyoming City, Neb. Ter., "promising to sustain him to the extent named in his letter to the Board." He spent nearly two months canvassing for funds, and then, on April 24th, he left for his mission via the P. R. R. to Pittsburg, and thence by boat down the Ohio river to St. Louis, and up the Missouri to his destination, which he reached May 25th. Otoe county, Neb., in which Wyoming City was located, is on the Missouri river, the third county North of Kansas. June 8th Boyer reported that Dr. Becker "has arrived, and is going to make good his promise." Accordingly, Boyer selected "in block 33, lots 5 and 6, donated by the town company . . . . secured by obligation, and deeded to us when built upon." By October 27th there was quite a change in the outlook, when "times are dull, banks are closed, money scarce, and not much to do in any way." The projector of this mission enterprise, Dr. Becker, had "gone East, and it is not likely that he will return again. He did not give me any lots at all." The Board failed to secure funds beyond the $160 in hand when Boyer left Pennsylvania, and so he concluded to leave the mission, and on October 29th started for Illinois, holding protracted meetings during the Winter in Iowa. In a letter dated December 9, 1858, "To whom it may Concern," he says: "Nebraska Mission. That is an entire failure." His advice is: "Abolish the Board of Missions." Meanwhile the Illinois Eldership had passed "a vote of censure" on Boyer, "for leaving the Nebraska Mission."

      I. E. Boyer, a native of Lancaster county, Pa., was licensed originally by the East Pennsylvania Eldership in 1852. He had been attending the Shippensburg

I. E. Boyer.

Institute, taking a short course preparatory to entering the ministry. While there he contributed his first article to "The Advocate" on "Christ our Example." In the Spring of 1853 he went to Illinois to enter the field as a missionary. Of too limited means to pay his fare, brethren at Mt. Joy, Elizabethtown and Orrstown gave him some assistance; but this he had to supplement on the way by stopping off at several points to earn money to reach his destination. By the last of May, 1853, he had reached the eastern part of his work, and met Sandoe, with whom he held his first meeting in the neighborhood of G. Schroll's. By June 20th he was at Decatur, where he made his headquarters. His mission field extended to Jacob Bear's, three miles from Decatur; another point four miles north-west from Decatur; one six miles north-east and the other six miles due South. In September, 1853, he urged young men from the East to come to Illinois and enter that inviting field of mission labors. Support to some extent was guaranteed by brethren agreeing to pay six per cent. for five years on amounts varying from $25.00 upward. He engaged in more general missionary work in 1854, his tours taking him through Moultrie, Coles, Cumberland, Jasper, Crawford and Cook counties, Illinois, and Vigo and Parks counties, Indiana. Later in the year he also extended his labors into Christian, Sangamon, Morgan, Scott and Pike counties. In 1857 he was back in Pennsylvania, and agreed to go as the first missionary to Nebraska. A town was laid out in the south-eastern corner of the State, and lots offered free for a church and parsonage. The East Pennsylvania Eldership sent him there to open a mission. This proved a failure, and Boyer came eastward into Iowa, and later to Illinois. He was a good preacher of the gospel; was self-sacrificing and faithful, and was honored by the Illinois Eldership by elections to different official positions, among them Speaker and delegate to the General Eldership.

      Iowa received two accessions to its ministerial ranks in 1855. At the East Pennsylvania, Eldership the previous year P. Shaw and A. J. Fenton were appointed to the "Iowa Mission," and on January 11, 1855, it was published they will leave for their field "next Spring." Already on January 1, 1855, the Iowa [111] Standing Committee had appointed Fenton on "the Northern circuit," North of North Bend, and Shaw to the territory "extending South of North Bend," Johnson county. They left Harrisburg March 25th, and reached their destination April 15th, so that by April 26th Shaw wrote that he is on his field, and "nearly around my circuit." In Cedar county, bordering on Johnson county on the East, an emigrant from West Newton, Pa., called for preaching, saying, "our house is open for ministers to preach in." Later a "revival of religion and the organization of a church of thirty members" was reported from said county. At Pleasant Valley, Johnson county, a revival was enjoyed under Lininger, in 1855, and a church formed. Scott county, second county east of Johnson, on the Mississippi, had received some emigrants from Cumberland county, Pa., as early as 1850, and these were visited by Hawk, and Fenton and Gill preached there in 1855, doing good work. Buchanan county, north-west of Johnson, also enjoyed a revival, and a church was organized at Pine Creek. It was in this county, at Pleasant Prairie, two and one-half miles East of Independence, that the second bethel in the State was built, and was dedicated December 9, 1855, A. Megrew, J. Lininger and D. Gill officiating. In Louisa, Des Moines and other counties the work was advancing, the churches in various places being strengthened by additions of families from the East. The church at Harmony, Des Moines county, built a meeting-house in 1859.

      In October, 1855, Winebrenner wrote this prophecy: "In less than one generation from this time the States of Illinois and Iowa will embody the great central strength of the Church of God." The progress made in Illinois from 1855 to 1859 indicated the verification of this prediction. In 1855 what was called the Winchester Mission, Scott county, was assigned to George Sandoe; but because of ill-health he resigned, and I. E. Boyer was appointed. Scott county is the second county East of the Mississippi river, where several families of the Church had located. At Lamot Creek, Crawford county, on the Indiana State line, Boyer and Rupp organized a church of ten members February 11, 1855. April 22, 1855, Kyle and Sandoe "succeeded in organizing a church of God in Brother Ephraim Bear's neighborhood," near Decatur, Macon county. This is probably identical with "Brother Rife's neighborhood," where "the brethren built a very fine bethel" in 1857, which was to be dedicated "the last Sabbath in January," 1858; "but for certain reasons the dedicatory sermon was not preached until September 19, 1858." This was the first house of worship built in Illinois by the Church of God. It has since been known as the Boiling Spring church. From the date of the building of this bethel to 1886, one bethel a year, on an average, was built in Illinois. Considerable success attended the labors of D. S. Byers and D. Wertz in Joe Daviess, Carroll and Bureau counties, in the northern part of the State, during 1855. A church was organized at Rush Creek, Joe Daviess county. "Mt. Carroll Mission is enlarging her borders." After a successful revival at Troy Grove, La Salle county, increasing the church to thirty-six, arrangements were made in 1856 to build a parsonage. Here, in 1858, Kyle, the pastor, J. H. Hurley, Klein, Cain and Reed held a meeting in "a mammoth tent put up for the accommodation of the people," which "was attended with a mighty outpouring of the people from all quarters," coming "from a distance of from thirty to forty miles." In Livingston county, adjoining La Salle on the south-east, Andrew Wagoner organized "a church of a few members" in May, 1856, nine miles north-east of Pontiac. In August, 1857, D. S. Byers and D. Kyle held a "protracted meeting in Pontiac" and organized a church of six members. A church of six members was also laboring with some success at Ottawa, La Salle county, in 1857. A new mission field was formed in 1856, to which Rudolph White was appointed, called "Monmouth Mission," consisting of Warren, McDonough and Fulton counties, near the Mississippi. In December, 1857, a church was organized at Homer, Champaign county, composed of five members. A. J. Fenton, in April, 1857, organized the church of "about a dozen," in Decatur, Macon county, but they had "no house of worship;" but "the brethren think of building next Summer." And this dozen consecrated members had tenacity of purpose, and on September 9, 1858, published the dedication of "the new bethel built by the church of God in the city of Decatur," which then had a population of 9,000. The dedication services were held October 17, 1858. The preaching services up to this time had been mainly held in the Disciple house of worship. A church of twenty-two members, all heads of families, was organized by D. S. Byers at Eight Mile Grove, Henry county, toward Spring, in 1859.

      The Michigan Eldership seemed to be in a hibernal sleep during this period, until in September, 1859, when it held its sixth annual session, having adjourned [112] the fifth of October, 1853. Its territory was partly cultivated by ministers of the Indiana Eldership, as A. B. Slyter, the most active missionary in Michigan had again united with the Indiana Eldership, and was appointed to the Thornapple circuit. J. B. White, who called himself "a young preacher," was licensed by the Ohio Eldership in 1853, and lived in Genessee county, Mich., the fourth county north of the Ohio line. In 1855 he reported the church at Flushing, his home, "much discouraged because they have not more preaching." "Our trials and persecutions are almost more than we can endure." But the light soon broke through the lowering clouds, for in 1856, in the month of June, he had a successful meeting in Montrose township, Genessee county, and organized a church of twelve members. Two brothers, Moses and Ezekiel Kelly, also licensed by the Ohio Eldership, in 1855, removed to Hillsdale county, Mich., bordering on Ohio. This was a new locality for Church work, but this same year they had a revival, and organized a church of twenty members in Allen Township. Success also crowned their labors near Jonesville, same county, and a church was organized. In the Indiana Eldership, through the energetic labors of T. Hickernell, D. Keplinger, David Neidig, F. Komp, A. L. Nye and others quite cheering progress was made. At least twenty-four new churches were formed, and conversions aggregating not less than from one hundred to two hundred and thirty souls were reported by the pastors. A few houses of worship were erected, but as yet a majority of the churches held their services in school-houses. The territory traveled over by the ministers and missionaries of the Eldership extended into not less than sixteen counties of the State, and several counties in Ohio. They reached La Porte county, in the north-western part of the State; a group of ten counties in the north-eastern part of the State; established a few churches in Wayne and Henry counties, in the south-east, and reached within eight miles of Terre Haute, Vigo county, and organized a church there, and crossed Clay, south-eastward, into Greene county, both counties lying in the south-western part of the State. This territory in the south-West was so far removed from the work in the north-eastern section of the State that late in this period a new Eldership was projected.

      In Ohio it is only needful to go over the list of counties, of not less than twenty-eight, in which the most of the successful Church extension work was done between 1855 and 1860, to be impressed with the fact that the center of Church population in the State was rapidly moving westward. In the south-eastern corner were Athens and Meigs counties, and adjoining Beaver county, Pa., west of Pittsburg, was Columbiana county, measurably neglected between the two Elderships, and the work was slowly dying. Around Wayne county, the original Ohio mission field, were the older circuits in Stark, Tuscarawas, Holmes, Summit, Coshockton and Knox counties. From here the work spread westward and northward across the center line North and South of the State, into Richland, Crawford, Wyandot, Marion, Logan, Hancock, Seneca, Wood, Auglaize and Shelby counties, until reaching the Indiana State line, Williams in the extreme north-west corner, and Defiance, Paulding, Van Wert, Mercer, Darke and Preble, every county in succession on the Indiana line except the two most southern counties, had more or less preaching by Church of God ministers. Belmont county in the south-east was occupied by the West Pennsylvania Eldership. It was but reasonable under these conditions that the Ohio Eldership should desire a division of its rapidly expanding territory, and have two Elderships organized, and also have the State line between Ohio and Indiana made the boundary on the West. The initial steps were taken in 1855, and the division was harmoniously accomplished in 1857, after favorable action by the General Eldership. This new Eldership led the way in requiring ministers to go to their new fields in the Fall. During the five years from October, 1854, to October, 1859, there were notable accessions to the ministry of the Church in Ohio. Harn went to Wooster, under appointment by the East Pennsylvania Eldership made in October, 1855, under whose labors the church realized that "a murky atmosphere does not quench the stars." With their new bethel, which had been dedicated August 5, 1855, and a man of Harn's personality, they received new inspiration. In the Spring of 1859 Harn was elected "Mayor of Wooster City." Also L. B. Hartman, a young man of some culture, who became a leader among them; M. Beck, a Boanerges, and his brother, B. F. Beck, a man of great natural refinement and conscientiousness, the first minister of the Church to reverse the order by going to East Pennsylvania, in 1858, to make it his permanent home; W. H. Oliver, a hard-working revivalist; R. H. Bolton, evangelist, missionary and collector on a more extensive scale than any other minister of the Church; [113] J. W. Aukerman, a man who always spoke with the conviction of one who has given sufficient thought to his subject to know that he is speaking the truth; W. P. Small, mild, firm, and who would convince men by the simple truth rather than discursive reasoning, and James George and James Wilson, each, with James, the Lord's brother, "a servant of God and of the Lord Jesus Christ." Altogether the ministry in Ohio was a strong force at this time, going everywhere preaching the word as the power of God to save, redeem, elevate and ennoble men. They knew nothing of any other means or measures to reform and improve society, and would scorn the more recent systems of eugenics as co-operative agencies with the gospel in the moral and religious regeneration of the race. While the work accomplished is but partially on record, it is known that churches were formed at a number of places, several in Hancock county, and others in Seneca, Williams, Defiance, Paulding, Stark, Wyandot and Crawford counties. At least a dozen new houses of worship were dedicated, besides the one at Wooster. Among these was one at Blanchard Road, six miles below Findlay; one in Venice township, Seneca county; one five miles West of Shelby, Crawford county. Some of the circuits had grown very large, as the Attica circuit, which in 1858 had fourteen appointments. Two regular missions were established, in addition to the extension of fields already occupied. In answer to an application by E. Logue, in 1855, "a mission was given him in Stark and Tuscarawas counties, to be called the Canton Mission." Canton is one of the four points named. Another one was known as the Akron Mission, in Summit county, which had ten appointments in 1856, and "the prospects as far as I can judge at present are flattering," said the pastor, M. Beck.

      Progress in the West Pennsylvania Eldership during this period was limited. While there were revivals and accessions on nearly all the old fields, only a few newly organized churches are reported. The work in Virginia "had gone down," and the Marshall county circuit "was broken down." One church was reduced from seventy to six members, "after we had used the old Jerusalem broom," as the pastor described the process. But revivals were enjoyed at nearly all points in that section, and in Greene county, Pa., and Belmont county, Ohio. The latter belonged to the Wheeling Mission, and at Harrisville a small organization was prepared for by giving the hand of fellowship to some converts. At Pleasant Grove, three miles nearer Wheeling, a church of seven members was formed in 1855. On Wheeling Creek, Greene county, Pa., a church numbering seven was formed the same year. Another at Bowman's, in 1857, composed of nineteen members. One in Marshall county, W. Va., with a small membership. In Somerset county fair progress was made. A meeting-house was built in 1855 in Upper Turkey Foot Valley. In 1858 J. A. Plowman went into the town of Somerset, county town of Somerset county, and held a meeting in the Town Hall, and succeeded in organizing a church of twelve members. Armstrong county called for preaching, but West Pennsylvania lacked men. In 1858 J. M. Domer and A. C. Raysor were in McKean county, on the New York State line, and organized a church at Bradford. The first movement for the opening of a mission in Clearfield county, then part of the West Pennsylvania Eldership territory, was in 1856. Clearfield lies across the summit of the Alleghenies, adjoining Cambria county on the North, and Jefferson and Indiana counties on the East, in which work was being done by ministers of the West Pennsylvania Eldership. But the way was opened for East Pennsylvania to take the initiative by the removal from Lisburn to Clearfield of the family of J. H. Jones, at whose father's home at Lisburn Winebrenner, thirty years before, was often entertained. The Standing Committee in 1856 appointed J. F. Weishampel to visit Clearfield. He did so, and opened the work, establishing twenty preaching places in school-houses within a radius of ten miles of the town of Clearfield. It is but about twenty-five miles from Clearfield, the county-town, to Cherry Tree, Cambria county, where there was an organized church. But West Pennsylvania had "no suitable man to send to Clearfield, and so the work was suspended for the time."

      The work in the Virginia section of the East Pennsylvania territory was greatly neglected at this time. It was mainly limited to Berkeley county, but no permanent results followed. Four and five appointments were kept up part of the time by the missionary, when one was on the field.

      Favorable indications attended the work in Maryland, in the counties of Washington, Frederick and Carroll, and in Baltimore City. Revivals attended the labors of George Sigler, H. L. Soule, T. Bean and other faithful ministers. Near Brownsville, Washington county, September 16, 1855, a church was organized by [114] Sigler, which by October numbered twenty. At Carrollton, in 1857, Jacob Wickert donated a lot to the church on which to build a bethel. The church, in October, resolved to erect a meeting-house on it. Work was resumed in Baltimore, by "our German brother," J. M. Busch, in 1855. They had no regular place of worship, the most serious drawback, he says. He preached at the Alms-house, and observed the three ordinances. As yet he had no license, but in the Fall of this year he received license from the German Eldership. In 1856 a church was organized, and they were encouraged to believe they "will increase very rapidly." One of the members and leaders, Presley T. Davis, applied through Winebrenner for membership in the East Pennsylvania Eldership. Another organization, known as the "Union Church of God," also existed in the City, and in 1859 expressed a desire to unite with the church Busch had organized. Winebrenner visited Baltimore this year, in May, and preached in German in the morning in the Otterbein United Brethren church, and "in Old Town for the 'Union Church of God' in the evening."

      Within the State, the East Pennsylvania Eldership was devoting its energies quite largely to the substantial, permanent work of the churches. The building and auspicious dedication of Fourth Street Bethel, Harrisburg, gave added impulse to better the material environments of churches and pastors. More than a score of good meeting-houses were built in this semi-decade, and the wisdom, comfort and economy of having parsonages became more evident. The term "bethel" to designate houses of worship in various ways commended itself to the churches. But as from its use to designate the building it was transferred to the organization, a tendency originated to reverse this order, and call the house as well as the church "the church of God." In commenting on a notice of the dedication of the Fourth Street Bethel by the Harrisburg "Patriot," Winebrenner strongly disapproved of this practice. The "Patriot" said: "Last Sunday a week the new Church of God, on Fourth street, was dedicated with imposing ceremonies." Winebrenner said: "The notice here quoted requires a slight correction to make it right. Instead of saying 'the new Church of God,' they should have said the new Bethel (or Metropolitan Bethel) of the Church of God was dedicated." In some sections, as in Adams, Juniata, Lehigh and Berks counties the work was somewhat neglected, and was measurably declining. In others new churches were organized and general and healthy growth revealed. While the church on Broad Top mountain become extinct by removals, and their bethel fell into ruins, at the other end of the circuit as it then was, Simon Fleegal, in January 1855, reported the organization of a church at Fort Littleton, numbering twenty-six. In July, 1855, "a gracious revival broke out in the little village of Wormleysburg, on the opposite side of the river from Harrisburg." Up to a few months prior to this "no organized church" was there. There was "an old, dilapidated building there, belonging to the Methodists, and which a society of that denomination had formerly used." In this building McFadden preached, and later in the school-house. At the Eldership in the Fall McFadden reported "the organization of a church" at Wormleysburg. In York county J. Machlin organized a church at Cross Roads appointment, in 1856, and one at Maytown school-house. William Krieger in January, 185.5, organized a church "about four miles from Shellsburg, in a school-house, at the foot of the Allegheny Mountains. J. M. Hebler in the Summer of this year began regular preaching in Pottsville, county-town of Schuylkill county, in a school-house rented for the purpose, and "there are prospects of soon raising a church of God in this place." There was regular preaching at many points, and protracted meetings held, at which no organizations of churches were reported. This was the case at Mt. Pleasant and at Mountville, Lancaster county; at Cumberland Furnaces and Milltown, seven miles South of Newville, Cumberland county; Thompsontown, Juniata county; Forney's school-house, Dauphin county; Deer Lick, on the "Broad Top circuit," and very many other points. Some of these points had a sufficient membership to have ordinance meetings. At Mt. Nebo, Lebanon county, Dr. George Ross bought the right to preach in a union meeting-house. The "Matamoras and Juniata circuit" in 1858 had ten appointments. As on many other circuits, a majority of these were in school-houses, and had not the local strength to become permanent.

      One of these school-house appointments in 1855, which grew into a strong, permanent church, was located at the "Forks of the Creek," or confluence of the Sidling Hill and Little Aukwick, Huntingdon county, later called Walnut Grove. [115] Here a bethel was built in 1855, dedicated by A. X. Shoemaker. Simon Fleegal was the pastor, who "with his own hands laid part of the foundation." At New Kingston, Cumberland county, the church in April, 1855, decided to build a meeting-house; completed it during the Summer, and held the dedicatory services November 30th. J. C. Owens was pastor, and Winebrenner preached the Sabbath morning sermon. The Adventists had an interest in this house, and J. Litch, one of their prominent ministers, officiated on Saturday and Sunday evenings. At Doubling Gap, same county, the brethren, under the supervision of a Building Committee composed of Peter Baker, Leonard Weast and Henry Snyder, began in May, 1855, to collect "funds for the building of a meeting-house for the use of the church of God" at that place. As appointee by the German Eldership, J. F. Weishampel, in April, 1855, went to Reading, Berks county, as a missionary. He "rented a large store-room on the corner of Eighth and Walnut streets which he fitted up so as to accommodate over a hundred people." This was "dedicated to the worship of God on Sabbath, May 13th. Winebrenner preached the dedicatory sermon in German, from Ezekiel xliii. 10, 11. In the afternoon Weishampel preached a German sermon, and in the evening Winebrenner preached an English sermon. In Schuylkill county, during the Summer of 1855, two houses of worship were built, one in Mahantango Valley and one in Deep Creek Valley, about three miles apart. These were dedicated late in the year, on successive Sundays, by Winebrenner and Keller. The latter is located in Weishampeltown, and the former on the land of Brother George Hepler." Two houses of worship were built in this county in 1856. One about a mile East of Valley View, in Lykens Valley, removed into the village in 1871. The other at Osmanstown, Lower Mahantango Valley, dedicated August 10th. On June 1, 1856, the corner-stone of "the new bethel in the neighborhood of John Miller and John Felty, Susquehanna township, Dauphin county," was laid. The dedication took place November 30th. Colder preached Saturday evening and Sabbath morning, and Keller, Sabbath evening. At Hummelstown, same county, the church worshiped in the Methodist house; but in December, when Winebrenner, J. Ross and Keller went there to hold a protracted meeting they were "shut out of their meeting-house." They held the services in the "Union Meeting-house." This prepared the way for "agitating the question of erecting a bethel for their own use." The church in Maytown worshiped in Martin Beck's meeting-house, a mile from town, before it was organized in the town by G. Sigler, May 24, 1858. The Beck house was built on Martin Beck's land, and principally by himself. It was dedicated by J. Litch, of Philadelphia, December 25, 1856. Under Sigler and A. H. Long the work in town was started, and in 1859 the building of a bethel was undertaken. The corner-stone was laid August 7th, and the house dedicated November 13th. S. Fleegal was then the pastor, and Winebrenner, Thomas and Long conducted the dedicatory services. In York county the church at Newberry built a bethel during the Summer of 1856, which was dedicated by Winebrenner February 1, 1857. C. Price was the pastor. Under Price's labors in the same county, during 1857, the church at Ball Hills built a bethel, which was dedicated August 2nd, Swartz and Ross officiating. August 9, 1857, under Price as pastor, the church at Goldsboro, York county, laid the corner-stone of their new bethel, with Winebrenner as minister. The house was dedicated on Whit Sunday, May 23, 1858. "The corner-stone of a new bethel now building in Fairview, York county," was laid by James Colder, August 23, 1857, J. Keller, pastor. The church at Oak Grove, Perry county, built a "new bethel" in 1858, which was dedicated by Colder, October 24th. The church at Newville, Cumberland county, began the building of its new house on the main street in the after part of the Summer of 1859, and laid the corner-stone on Saturday forenoon, September 20th, Thomas officiating. In Bedford county the church at Lafayetteville was reorganized at Bakersville in 1856. In 1858 they built a meeting-house, which was dedicated by A. H. Long, December 5th. Spruce Hollow, Blair county, were "making ready to build" in 1856, to dedicate in the Fall. They were delayed, and in January, 1858, formed a new resolution to build during the Summer, and actually began work in 1859. Weishampel regarded this place as "headquarters for the Allegheny circuit," lying between the "Cove" and the Allegheny Mountains.

      At the Eldership held at Middletown, beginning November 4, 1857, the Baptist church at Chambersburg, county-seat of Franklin county, proposed to transfer their unfinished house of worship to the Eldership in consideration of "the [116] payment of certain claims now held against the building." The Standing Committee and Board of Missions were "authorized forthwith to attend to the matter, and take such steps as will secure the property to this body." The house in its unfinished condition had cost the Baptist church $2,700. The committee appointed for the purpose bought it for $1,245. But the "Baptists released to us the surplus above the judgments, which was $425, thus making the actual cost of the property about $800." The house was finished, and the dedication services were held September 26, 1858. Winebrenner preached the sermon. Other ministers present and assisting were Mackey, Thomas, Owens and Laverty. The church was organized by Laverty December 19, 1858.

      Work on the Montgomery county mission continued, with favorable results. Soule, Long, Keller and others labored there, and a number received Christ. A Sabbath-school of forty was organized at Kulpsville, with the intention of organizing a church. Preaching places had increased to ten.

      Divisions in Churches occurred occasionally during this period. The Advent Christian Church, in 1855, grew out of a division "over immortality." They believe "the dead sleep in unconscious repose until Christ comes; that immortality is conditioned upon receiving Christ, and that the wicked will utterly perish." The efforts at union sometimes brought results. The United Presbyterian Church of North America was organized in 1858 by a union of the Associate and Associate Reformed Churches. But not all the local churches went into the union, and these formed the Associate Church of North America. The Free Methodists about this time effected a general organization. The ministers and churches of God received encouragement in their contention in favor of the washing of the saints' feet as a symbolical ordinance by learning the fact that in North Carolina and a few other States were churches which held this faith.

      Credit is due J. F. Weishampel, whose prolific brain evolved various projects, for the suggestion made in 1853, that the General Eldership of the Church of God be represented in the Washington Monument, at Washington, D. C., by a block of marble with suitable inscription. The suggestion was intended for the General Eldership in 1854; but no action was taken. He had visited Washington in 1853, and saw the Monument, in course of erection, and noticed the marble blocks of various sizes and colors contributed by the different States, Societies, Churches and foreign Governments. The General Eldership having overlooked the matter, Weishampel renewed his suggestion to Mackey, Haifleigh and Myers, Speaker and Clerks. He urged them to endorse his plan and urge contributions. He estimated the cost of a block of Pennsylvania marble, four feet long, two feet wide and one foot thick, at $100.00 delivered and ready to-be placed in position. He also worded the Inscription, to wit:

      "To God be all the Glory! Who raised up Washington, the American Moses, to lead this Nation out of British Bondage. Contributed by the General Eldership of the Church of God in the United States."

      As his first appeal elicited no responses, Weishampel repeated it in February, 1855. He also published a "Circular Letter" to the churches, soliciting funds. Mackey on several occasions endorsed the enterprise. Harn strongly commended it; but with his congratulations he insisted that the word "Church" in the Inscription be changed to "Churches," which Weishampel refused. Harn threatened to oppose the project if the change were not made. The stone was to be delivered February 22, 1855, but there were then but $25.00 promised. By the latter part of 1856 work on the Monument was suspended. Interest in the matter of furnishing a block of marble by the Church had vanished. On February 22, 1859, Weishampel was again in Washington, and saw the unfinished shaft. Two hundred blocks were in position, with one hundred in the shed awaiting the progress of the work to be put in their respective places. Weishampel renewed his appeal, insisting that "the General Eldership must be represented," and declaring that he "would raise the money by the meeting of the body in 1860," and would have the "block ready to present to the General Eldership." For the time all was a kaleidoscopic vision. The Monument was completed December 6, 1884, a year and sixteen days after Weishampel had been gathered to the fathers.

      Early in this period general activity in behalf of Prohibition continued in the Elderships, the churches of God, The Church Advocate, and by temperance people in the Northern States. Prohibitory laws were enacted, or Constitutions amended, so that the universal triumph of Prohibition appeared at hand. But the tide began [117] to recede, and toward the end of this period Mackey editorially lamented that "not a word is heard on Prohibition," while most of the ground which had been gained was again lost, and Prohibition was pronounced dead.

      The question of "healing the sick," according to James v. 14, 15, was somewhat agitated in 1856-7. Winebrenner regarded the texts as "a recognition of that power given to, and exercised by, the Apostles." And "if it was not the design of God to continue this power in the church, why did James, a servant of God and of the Lord Jesus Christ, thus write to the twelve tribes scattered abroad?"

      The sentiment against Christians frequenting balls, theaters and like places of amusements was emphatic and general in the Church. The theatrical season was called "Satan's annual festival." No "heart renewed by grace can desire such carnality." The theater "is inconsistent with every Christian principle." To be there was "to be on the devil's ground." These sentiments are expressed on the editorial page, but it is not indicated whether Winebrenner, Mackey or Colder was their author. But Winebrenner did teach that only "mere professors, and not such as possess what they profess, visit these demoralizing places." And, "We hope that God's ministers and people will unite to pray and preach down all these abominations." To call theaters "Synagogues of Satan" was regarded as a happy appropriation of an expressive patronymic.

[FHCG 101-118]