1. A social and cultural context had to exist, in which the religious alternative would provide satisfaction of personal and social needs. In the St. John's of Alice Belle Garrigus, the absence of rapid social change and the demographic stability of the population did not create such a context.

2. Religious needs were satisfied already by existing institutions. In St. John's, experiential religion abounded. In the outports, however, the lack of a pastoral presence and the institutional decline of revivalist Methodism created a religious need, as did the absence or marginal presence of traditional churches in the rapidly changing industrial regions of western and central Newfoundland.

3. The new religious alternative had to relate meaningfully to the old religious ideologies and practices in order to facilitate change. Miss Garrigus' apocalyptic message neither addressed meaningfully the urban situation, nor related it adequately to the existing holiness tradition. Only when the new leadership, drawn from Methodist holiness ranks, presented the Pentecostal message in continuity with the traditional Wesleyan revivalist ethos and as an alternative to the new and often ritually ossified Methodism, did the movement make inroads in Newfoundland. The catalyzation of existing holiness groups through the Demarest revival and the indigenous growth of outport Pentecostalism on Wesleyan soil, indicate a significant ideological continuity between the old and the new, which was both familiar and corrective.

4. As far as leadership was concerned, the personal charisma and organizational efforts had to be sufficiently strong to separate the leader from the converts and yet initiate and control successfully the division of labour within the group. Miss Garrigus lacked such decisive leadership throughout her career as an evangelist and always leaned on co-pastors or fellow missionaries. Only when the new indigenous leadership, drawn from Methodism, supported and complemented her rule, did the movement grow. In the outports and industrial towns new local leaders emerged on account of the lay orientation of the Pentecostal movement. These new leaders facilitated a quick and efficient regional spread of Pentecostalism, which still holds today and matches geographically the industrial development of Newfoundland.

5. The denominational school system of Newfoundland became at once obstacle and opportunity for the mission-minded Pentecostals in central and western Newfoundland. Pentecostal needs and cultural aspirations coincided and demanded a solution, which was found first in a partial sharing of resources but later in a separate school system. The ideological justification of a religiously-oriented education integrated cultural values and religious needs among the Pentecostals and contributed toward solidifying the community. The ethos of its teachers, disciplined educational environment, and commitment to religious values have made schools of the Pentecostal system also an alternative for non- Pentecostal Newfoundlanders. The only area where educational aspirations, societal attitudes, and religious values are in open conflict is the area of labour relations. Newfoundland teachers and administrators consider as their prime value the education of the child, not the professional autonomy of the teacher and thus refuse to participate in strikes and labour actions of their union.

While the professional ethos extends to all areas of pedagogical competence, Pentecostal teachers retain a remnant of their sectarian past by refusing to compromise religious ideals of service with social equity in the labour market and thus, in this instance, remain resistant to secularization.

Back to Indigenization and Cultural Participation of the Newfoundland Pentecostal Movement