by Hans Rollmann


200 years ago Prince William Henry, the future King William IV, visited Newfoundland on his first naval assignment as a commander. This visit by a member of the royal family to Trepassey, Great and Little St. Lawrence, Placentia, and St. John's aboard the 28-gun frigate Pegasus has remained alive in Newfoundland lore ever since. Depending on the historical context of the tales spun from the Prince's stay on the island, we encounter him either as the noble benefactor who provides education for poor lads, secures commissions for hopeful seamen, and champions justice for mistreated common folk or as the sinister Anglican partisan who deprives Roman Catholic employees of their livelihood and attacks priests and prelates from Placentia to St. John's. The folklore associated with William Henry's presence reflects the ethnic, religious, and social makeup of eighteenth and nineteenth-century Newfoundland and prefigures the divisions in which the struggle for responsible government would express itself.

In the following we are not concerned, however, with the folkloric afterlife of the Prince's visit but attempt to recover the historical dimensions of his stay. This can be undertaken on the basis of a wealth of archival and printed sources which are placed here in the social, religious and administrative context of his day.

The Sailor Prince

For King George III the vocation of his sons had never been in doubt: the eldest, George Prince of Wales, was to succeed him to the throne; the second, Frederick, the Duke of York, was destined for the Army. The third in that Hanoverian Family of 15 Princes and Princesses, Prince William Henry, "must", writes Fulford, "if physically fit, show that the King's affection for the Navy was as real as his love for the Army."(1) Physically fit he was; and so, in May of 1779, the fourteen-year-old Prince entered naval service with General Digby, a service that eventually would earn him the title "the sailor King". We cannot enter here into all aspects of the Prince's early naval career(2), except to say that he served not only in the Mediterranean theatre of war but also, as a midshipman, in the North American colonies. In 1781, while in New York, he and Admiral Digby even became the object of an audacious kidnapping plot by George Washington.(3)

William Henry's career was interrupted for two years in 1783 when the royal Prince from the house of Hanover visited the ancestral soil in Germany, in a sort of finishing tour. William Henry disliked this stay thoroughly, and in his impulsive manner sought the company of adventurers when the royal company proved exceedingly boring. From Hannover he wrote the following to his brother, the future King George IV:

The noblesse here are haughty and proud; my free tongue with my English oaths would not go down with the Vons, so I left them short there & associated myself with the second class; people in England would receive them everywhere, but the German etiquette does not allow it. However, I was determined to amuse myself; I frequented their houses & forsook the Barons, which gave great offence in this town. Now as I do not care what people say about me I laughed at the envious fools of the first class & lived in a very agreeable society.(4)

The Prince's amusements were of some consequence for his future in that his parents saw in their son's behaviour one more indication of immaturity and felt he was not yet ready to be the commander of his own ship.(5) And that was all the Prince had on his mind after reentering the Navy in 1785. As his twenty-first birthday was approaching and he had not received answers from the King to his fervent pleas for a commission, he temporarily contemplated leaving the Navy and entering the Army.(6) What kept him submissive was the fact that his father held the purse strings to his annual allowance of £ 3,000.(7)

But what hurt him especially was the obvious preference shown by his parents for his older brother Frederick, who as one historian has remarked was the only "decent" Hanoverian from this large family. Frederick, only two years older than William Henry, by then was Lieutenant-General in the Army, commandeered a Regiment of Guards, and had been receiving £ 2,000 more in allowance ever since returning from Germany.(8) Despite the occasional temptation to do something drastic, the Prince felt his father would soon have to commission him with his own ship. "I believe", he wrote to his favorite brother, George, in January of 1786, "it cannot now be long before something must happen, as I am of age next August. The King will in the course of the winter determine in what situation I am to appear after that period. I could wish to be employed till I was four or five & twenty years of age; in short, till my wildness was a little gone off."(9)

And something did happen to spur the King and the Admirals into action. While at Plymouth the Prince fell madly in love with Sarah Martin, daughter of the port commissioner.(10) The girl was promptly taken to London and the Prince received his long desired commission in order to comfort him over the loss and remove the possibility of any future contact. After the German fiasco a Mediterranean appointment was out of the question, and the Queen told this to her son in no uncertain terms.(11) On the other hand, since this first commission served as a sort of tryout and personal fact finding mission, those locations central to Britain's postwar mercantile ambitions were a logical choice. This at least seems to have been on the mind of the King, who understood the trip as "giving his Royal Highness every requisite means to acquire an extensive local knowledge of all the British navigations which may become the scenes of the most interesting occurrences for the national interest and honor."(12)

The Prince was pleased with his father's choice, especially since it meant he now was in possession of his own ship. To his brother George he wrote:

I have just received information of the plan proposed for me. I am to spend this summer on the Newfoundland station, the winter in the West Indies, to windward: the following summer in Nova Scotia & Canada, & then proceed to Jamaica for the next winter, & the remainder of the three years is to be spent on the different West Indian Stations."(13)

Honest as he was he admitted that his serving abroad might make him "steadier, which I hope I shall be when I return."(14)

On his way to Newfoundland the Prince would be accompanied by the Rose and the Druid, the former under the command of Captain--later Admiral Sir Henry--Harvey,(15) who had gained a considerable experience of Newfoundland under Admiral Montagu in 1776/77. The Pegasus, a 28-gun frigate, was considered small by contemporary standards, yet the Prince was given permission to choose his own crew, a choice he later regretted, but which could have been worse considering that it proved nearly impossible for anyone to get along with His Royal Highness.(16) As first officer he chose Lieutenant Isaac Schomberg,(17) the 34 year-old protégé of the Prince's paternal adviser Lord Hood,(18) further Lieutenants Hargood and Hope, as well as the able if anxious surgeon Fidge, and, as an instructor for the young midshipmen, the somewhat eccentric but capable navigator James S. Meres, who also had the reputation of being "a very good draughtsman." The many exquisite drawings of Newfoundland in the log book of the Pegasus are his work, as well as the daily entries in that same log.(19)

The ships did not leave immediately but waited for the royal assent and printing of the recently passed "Act to encourage the Newfoundland fisheries, and for granting bounties",(20) an act which modified the one of 1775 in view of the postwar requirements. It was this act which would guide the Prince when deciding civil disputes in Placentia as surrogate judge. After a stopover in Guernsey, where the Prince, chronically short of funds, bought wine at advantageous prices, the three frigates finally left for Newfoundland on the eighth day of June 1786.(21)

Trepassey and St. Lawrence

The Newfoundland that the Prince visited held an important position in England's colonial aspirations during this postwar period but was not free of problems of its own. The significant population growth in the mercantile centers had resulted in supply difficulties and a pragmatic attitude toward trade with America. Fishing on the offshore, encouraged by generous incentives, quickly surpassed its prewar levels but eventually generated a glut in the market and a drop in prices. Yet the inshore fishery had not picked up as speedily as her older sister the bank fishery.(22)

In the population centers the need to feed the populace resulted in an increasing use of land for agricultural purposes and a sorely felt shortage of space for the traditional activities associated with the fishery. And despite a winter population now of 10,000 residents, most of whom were Irish, Britain was more determined than ever to withhold colonial status from this thriving "fishing station" in the Atlantic. In fact, the recently passed amendments to the Newfoundland Act tightened residency and landownership requirements -- an obvious victory for Palliser's and Chalmer's naval vision of the island.(23)

After a sea voyage of three weeks the Pegasus and the Rose anchored on 27 June in Trepassey harbour.(24) The Prince had specific orders from Governor Elliot to stay on the "South Coast ... in order to cruize for the protection and regulation of the fishery."(25) Until 11 July he remained in Trepassey, but was prevented from going on shore because of a "most violent rheumatic complaint" which the royal commander still remembered years later. He must have been comforted by the reports of those who went on shore, that there were no "inhabitants to associate with", but only "drunken Irish fishermen."(26) On activities there is little to report. The crew's main occupation, as elsewhere on this Newfoundland trip, consisted in the brewing of spruce beer. The drink had the reputation of being an effective antiscorbutic and was made "in a tent on shore in coppers supplied to ships on the Newfoundland station for [that] purpose."(27)

In Trepassey we also encounter the Prince for the first time in his role of commander. He examined thoroughly an American brig under English colours--at that time a necessary requirement for trading with Newfoundland--and sent her on her way. He also administered the first of so many lashings to a sailor "for neglect of duty and disobedience". After taking on a supply of fresh beer and water, the Pegasus and Rose unmoored on the morning of 11 July. Although the Prince was to accompany the Rose to the "French Islands", he and Captain Harvey agreed that one ship should stay in Newfoundland.

12 July to 16 July were spent in Great and Little St. Lawrence, which William Henry, in a letter to the King, judged "as far more preferable to that [country] we left to the eastward." "The Guernsey and Jersey people", he writes, "are settled in these parts & are peaceable & well behaved."(28) On 17 July he left for the 19 miles distant Placentia.


The Prince stayed almost two months in Placentia. He arrived on 17 July and left on 5 September, spending most of that time as a surrogate court judge. This second most important establishment in Newfoundland, with a lieutenant governor and (usually, but not during the Prince's arrival) an eight-man contingent from the Royal Artillery, presented itself to William Henry as "more decent [a settlement] than any we have yet seen in Newfoundland."(29) He was told that its population numbered between 1,500 and 2,000, "a quiet well behaved people, principally Irish, & Roman Catholicks."(30) He notes that the chapel for which the Irish had received a building permit by Governor Campbell was to be completed by the Fall of that year. The houses of the inhabitants that the Prince saw were "tolerably good and clean".(31) During his stay he also became acquainted with the principal merchant in town, the firm of Saunders from Pool, which, as the Prince told his father, had an alleged venture capital of £ 50,000 and built its own vessels and boats in Placentia. William Henry himself saw on the stocks "two fine large briggs."(32)

Before dealing with his activities as a naval surrogate, we shall briefly survey the other noteworthy events that took place in Placentia during the Prince's stay, the tacit ones being ship maintenance, the brewing of spruce beer, and the repeated floggings by this martinet commander.

On 21 July, a much-respected seaman by the name of William Eddy died in Placentia, and, as Byam Martin tells us, "his messmates dug and formed a remarkably neat grave for him, and having no chaplain, the Prince read the funeral service in a very impressive manner."(33)

Less impressive, but not uncharacteristic, was another event that transpired in Placentia. On 21 August the Prince came of age and celebrated the arrival of maturity with his officers below deck. By one o' clock the entire party was dead drunk, and when His Royal Highness managed to crawl up to the main-deck, he was, according to an entry in Byam Martin's diary, "recognised by the seamen, all nearly as drunk as himself, who with unfeigned, irresistible loyalty, mounted him on their shoulders and ran with him violently from one end of the deck to the other." In the process "his head passed within an inch of the skids (beams) several times, and one blow at the rate they were going would inevitably have killed him." Martin, the younger brother of Sarah Martin with whom the Prince had fallen in love, probably saved the Prince's life by throwing his hat upon the drunken sailors with all the force he could muster. He then "succeeded in getting the men to lower him in their arms."(34)

While William Henry's life was providentially cared for by the "servant to the captain" Byam Martin, rumours swept England that the Prince either had been killed or been responsible for the death of someone else in Newfoundland. From the royal palace to the marketplace in Exeter and beyond there was general uncertainty about the Prince's fate. The cause of the persistent rumours was finally revealed in The Times and consisted in having taken a Newfoundland idiom for fact. A sailor, returning from Newfoundland, who had met the Prince mentioned that the royal captain "had just killed his man." As The Times explained on 26 October 1786:

Be it known to all mankind, that among the Newfoundland traders it is a common by-word, when a person has made his first voyage to Newfoundland, they say, HE HAS KILLED HIS MAN; meaning nothing more nor less than that he conquered his enemies, the change of climate and the danger of the seas.(35)

The Surrogate Judge

William Henry's major activity in Placentia was that of a naval surrogate judge. The practice of administering law in the outports, which had become a necessity by the last decades of the seventeenth century, was regularized under the eighteenth- century naval governors.(36) The fact that it remained absent from the law books until 1793 is one more instance of the British ambivalent attitude toward settlement.

The legal basis of the practice rested on the Act of William III from 1698.(37) That act acknowledged the powers of Fishing Admirals to settle disputes among fishermen and inhabitants.(38) Any decision rendered by the Fishing Admirals, however, could be appealed under provisions of this same Act "to the commanders of any of his Majesty's ships of war."(39) Both of these legal powers, the authorization of Admirals to regulate the fishery and the right of appeal to any British naval commander, combined in the eighteenth-century naval surrogate. The governor of the island, who was empowered to regulate the fishery and settle fishing disputes, could authorize any naval commander to hear civil disputes and other legal matters in the outharbours. We cannot enter here into the tenuous legal basis of this practice and the rough ride that its decisions experienced in the English courts. Suffice it to say that surrogate courts became an established practice throughout eighteenth-century Newfoundland. They were finally enshrined in law in 1793 through the efforts of John Reeves, Newfoundland's first chief justice.(40) In the words of Reeves, surrogates "exercised in their respecting Stations round the Island, the same Sort of Authority, which [the governor] himself exercised in St. John's."(41) For that purpose, as Prince William tells the King, the surrogate judge received from his commanding officer "a commission & the different Acts of Parliament" [relating to Newfoundland].(42) The sphere of legitimation of a surrogate becomes a little clearer when one examines the commission issued by Governor Elliot to William Henry.(43)

1. The Prince was fully authorized to hold courts and hearings in the governor's place ("as I myself might or could by virtue of the power and authority vested in me ...")

2. As surrogate he had the power to confiscate "prohibited or run goods" on the island. This measure was especially appropriate during war,(44) but had somewhat lost in relevance in 1786 because of the more pragmatic trade policy adopted since Governor Campbell.(45)

3. He also had the power to administer the various oaths of allegiance and thus check and secure the loyalty of His Majesty's subjects.

The Prince took up his judicial duties on 21 July and held court twice, and later even three times a week, hearing numerous complaints.(46) He was quite pleased with his performance and wrote to his father: "Your Majesty well knows that I am no lawyer: however, the inhabitants and those that have had causes in Court have been so well satisfied with my sentences that upon declaring I must proceed on the 8th of August to join Captain Hervey [sic], they desired me to continue here till the end of that month."(47)

It must be admitted that the Prince's performance was an effective one. He demanded careful evidence--only written pleas were considered--and followed punctiliously the acts he had received. In an accident case he even decided against the most powerful merchant in town, for no one dared to question his judgments.(48) The majority of cases concerned property disputes and disagreements over the right to use the beach. In his decisions he followed the new act strictly, guarding against permanent settlement and maintaining the rights of the seasonal fishing fleet.(49) He also issued liquor licenses, dealt with wage disputes, petty theft, and the momentous crime of Constable Christopher St. Croix who was charged with and convicted of having shot Mary Mercer's pig which had repeatedly invaded St. Croix's vegetable garden (the fine "for illegally killing Mary Mercer's pig" was ten shillings and six pence). More serious cases concerned the grounding of a Dutch brig, for which the Prince consulted the governor and relied on the advice of the customs officers, and a Burin woman who allegedly had been savagely beaten and burned. This case, which the Prince planned to refer as a capital case to St. John's, terminated when the character of the alleged attacker was rehabilitated by his employer and the woman's reputation established as a less reputable one!(50)

A significant event recorded by the Prince not only in the Placentia court records, but also in the log book of the Pegasus and in a letter to the King was a riot that broke out on 6 August. Although the cause of the tumult is never specified in the records, it led to an abuse of the magistrate and the constables.(51) What aggravated matters was the absence of the Royal Artillery from the garrison. Major Huddleston and his men had left for St. John's in order to be relieved, together with the remaining Artillery in St. John's, by troops from Gibraltar. But his replacement, Lieutenant Wright, only arrived in Placentia shortly before William Henry's departure, thus leaving Placentia without its usual Artillery contingent.(52)

When the Prince was called in with a contingent of Marines to control the 300 rioters who by then had pelted the constables with rocks and stones, he apprehended what appeared to be the ringleader and meted out justice in the form of eighty lashes, since more could not be endured by the man who was to have received one hundred. According to Magistrate Alexander Willson, though not substantiated by any other records, the Prince sentenced the major culprits "to serve on board of one of His Majesty's ships of war" and in a speech before the inhabitants of Placentia commended the magistrate for his part in quelling the riot and promised "promptly to afford every protection to the civil power."(53) After the riot the Prince considered it also appropriate to have all male inhabitants of Placentia, Little Placentia, and Point Verde twelve years and over appear in court and affirm their loyalty to the King by swearing oaths of allegiance.

The Prince and the Churches

In Prince William Henry's Newfoundland the Roman Catholic Church played an increasingly important role.(54) In 1784 Governor John Campbell, the son of a Scottish Presbyterian minister, had put into effect what had been in the governor's instructions since 1779, the freedom for Roman Catholics to practice their religion. One year later, on 15 June 1785, James Louis O'Donel, the superior of the Newfoundland mission, sent a missionary to Placentia: the Irish Dominican priest Edmund Burke.(55) In a letter to the merchant house of Saunders, Governor Campbell had granted Burke permission to build a chapel.(56) When the Prince arrived in Placentia he found the building well underway and the Catholics attending mass temporarily in the court house.(57) The Anglicans on the other hand, whose church had burned down years ago, seemed to be destitute of the most elementary religious services.

In order to understand William Henry's attitude toward Roman Catholicism, we must avoid projecting into this period his later, conciliatory attitude during the reform legislation period.(58) The Prince, never a conspicuously religious man, had, in the words of Fulford, "the feelings of respect for the authority and influence of the Church of England which marked his family and his generation."(59) With this he could combine without any pangs of conscience personal licentiousness and membership in a Masonic lodge. In Newfoundland he exhibited the anti-catholic temper of his day, which was obviously a reaction of Anglicans to the dismantling of the penal code in England and Ireland.(60) This feeling had found its most terrifying expression in the Gordon riots. The habitual anti-catholicism of the day seems to have been heightened in the Prince's case by a reluctance to admit any alternative authority in colonial Placentia. And yet the respect commanded by the priest was all too obvious.(61) In addition, the local Anglican administrative elite, Magistrate Alexander Willson in particular, now saw an opportunity to reverse the misfortunes of the Church of England. They consequently appealed to the Protestant Prince as a defender of the faith.(62) What gave urgency to their request was the fact that several spiritually destitute Anglicans had been converted to the Roman Catholic faith or brought their children to the priest for baptism.(63)

The situation was characteristic for Newfoundland Anglicanism elsewhere.(64) Throughout the eighteenth century the Anglican church in Newfoundland was a casualty of the English reluctance to grant colonial concessions to this "fishing station". Although Newfoundland had once been the example cited by Thomas Bray to legitimate the founding of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, it suffered subsequently from a chronic shortage of missionaries and the near absence of a glebe and vestry system which could have provided a sound financial and administrative structure to the local congregations. When the Roman Catholics established missions in St. John's, Harbour Grace and Placentia, the Anglican ministers of St. John's and Harbour Grace envisioned utter doom. The Reverend Mr. Balfour wrote the following from Harbour Grace in the late Fall of 1785: " Since the late toleration for the Roman Catholicks, the spread of Popery has been prodigious .... the Church seems likely soon to have little footing in Newfoundland.(65) And the Reverend Mr. Price, in 1784, expressed himself more specifically regarding the Prince's future sphere of action:

Placentia, St. Mary's, Fortune Bay, and Trepassey are inhabited by the English, and very populous: and yet the Word has not been preached in that part of the island for thirty years. And though they are all Protestants, yet have they carried many scores of their Children this year to St. Peter's [St. Pierre] to be baptized by a French Priest.(66)

Even that was no longer necessary with the arrival of Edmund Burke in Placentia.

The reaction of the Prince reflects the concern of Anglicans throughout the island. He strictly forbade Burke to make proselytes or officiate at Protestant marriages, ordered him not to use the court house for Roman Catholic services, prohibited the use of the Anglican graveyard by Roman Catholics (a favorite tactic against Methodists in Harbour Grace),(67) and relieved Roman Catholics who held public office of their duty.(68) Most of these tactics were legal, but placed a great strain on the integrity of civic life as the riot of 300 individuals suggests. Whether the riot had anything to do with William Henry's early anti-catholic measures cannot be proven conclusively, but it did follow on the heels of the dismissal of one Roman Catholic constable.(69) Also Thomas Wheland, the Roman Catholic smith to the Ordnance, lost his position and was replaced by William Pitcairn, an armorer from the Pegasus.(70) In a carefully worded reply to the Prince's query on how to proceed against the priest, Governor Elliot counseled caution and tolerance when dealing with the Catholics of Placentia and thus prevented a more serious rift in the community. The governor's attitude toward religious toleration was not unlike that which motivated Palliser when encouraging Moravian missionary efforts among the Labrador Inuit.(71) Both men viewed institutionalized religion as a means to pacify the local population for the benefit of the fishery. Elliot wrote:

I beg leave to observe, that experience has shewen, that toleration has always had a better effect upon the minds of the lower sort of every religious sect, then [sic] persecution, and that therefore it will be necessary for your Royal Highness, to enter into the business with all im[a]ginary caution, particularly too, as His Majesty by his Instructions has directed me to permit to every person under my government, free liberty of conscience and the exercise of all such modes of religious worship as are not prohibited by law, provided such, persons are contented with a quiet and peaceable enjoyment thereof, and do not give offence or scandal to government.(72)

What Elliot quoted to the Prince was the religious liberty clause in the instructions to governors, which from 1779 on also applied to Roman Catholics.(73) In case Burke had broken the law and been legally convicted by the magistrates of Placentia, however, the governor suggested that "Your Royal Highness may, upon application being made to you by them, not only prevent him from further acting in that capacity any longer within your district but also banish him (if necessary) from the Island, in any one of the passage vessels and to Great Britain or Ireland, as a nuisance to the fishery."(74) This hypothetical situation Elliot contrasted with the practical benefits derived from O'Donel's presence in St. John's.(75) He writes:

I must however remark to your Royal Highness, that at this place, the presence of a priest appears to be so essentially necessary, that without the assistance of one, I think it would be almost impossible to keep the fishermen and servants of the Romish persuasion, in any kind of order; and if such a person as Mr. O'Donell [sic], who is a sensible man, and of a good character here, had fortunately been sent to Placentia (where I understand there are a great many Roman Catholick servants) the Protestant inhabitants there I should imagine, would have been rather pleased, than otherwise, at his coming amongst them.(76)

The positive side of the Prince's religious concern were his efforts to reestablish the Anglican church in Placentia. During the last two weeks of his stay he read divine service to the local Anglicans and admonished all Protestant inhabitants to remain faithful to their church.(77) The magistrates were ordered to continue with church services until a priest arrived.(78) To facilitate the latter, the Prince initiated both a subscription for a chapel (to which he contributed more than £ 50) and a fund to secure an income for the future minister.(79) In his letter to the governor he requested permission to build a church in Placentia, but was less successful in reactivating an older scheme to guarantee its funding, the taxing of each shoreman to the sum of two shillings and six pence.(80) The governor did not think that such a tax could be collected since no one was authorized "levying ... taxes upon any occasion whatever in this island."(81) He suggested instead voluntary contributions and added, with a touch of facetiousness: "I trust and flatter myself, Mr. Willsons account of the liberality of the Protestant inhabitants of Placentia that there will be no necessity for taxing the shoremen ..."(82) But he did forward to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in London the subscription of the Prince as well as the testimonials of local Anglicans.(83)

The Society could hardly refuse the petition of a royal who had set such a splendid example and sent out a short-lived missionary in 1788.(84) The Reverend Mr. Harris, however, soon left Placentia for the more fertile grounds of St. John's. Also an exquisite communion set from the Prince, most likely purchased with an uncovered cheque by his brother George, could not save the church in Placentia from falling into decay. In 1845 Bishop Feild found the church in a state of advanced dilapidation.(85) When he lamented the fact that there had been no clergyman in Placentia for 37 years, the Queen Dowager, Adelaide of Saxe-Meiningen, contributed £ 300 to the memory of her late husband, King William IV, and once again provided the local Anglican church with a new lease on life. Today there is no Anglican clergyman in Placentia; church services are held twice a month by the local minister of Whitbourne. To return to our Prince , the Pegasus lifted anchor on the afternoon of 5 September and headed toward Trepassey where a rendezvous with Captain Harvey was agreed upon, and from there continued to St. John's, the seat of the governor.

St. John's

The Prince arrived in St. John's on 10 September and anchored next to the Salisbury, a ship commandeered by Captain Erasmus Gower,(86) the future governor of Newfoundland. William Henry stayed two weeks in this ancient naval city which he described to his father, the King, in all of the bustle of the postwar years. "The town of St. John's", the Prince writes, "is very large & scattered: it extends two miles in lengths, is built on the side of a steep hill in a very irregular manner for the conveniency of drying the fish on the flakes: for in this harbour there is no beach: the flakes are thirty feet high so as to be considerably above the houses: the town is very populous: the inhabitants are computed from twenty to twenty five thousand souls [sic]: here as well as in the other harbours of this island there are ten Roman Catholicks to one Protestant."(87)

The trade he considered quite "prodigious": "seventy bankers are employed out of this port to catch fish, besides many more than a hundred ships & briggs preparing to sail for the European markets with fish, & several schooners loading for the West Indies with the same commodity."(88)

"The people", the visitor continues, "are very orderly from the number of magistrates & the number of the military." During his stay in St. John's, three companies of the Sixtieth Regiment and "the best part of a company of the Royal Artillery were stationed there."(89)

"There are two churches in town", he writes, "the one the Church of England, the congregation of which consists of 500 people besides the Army & Navy & the rest of your Majesty's servants in this island: the other the Roman Catholick chapel where many thousand attend daily to the detriment of the fishery."(90) The latter comment refers either to the working time lost while attending mass or the settlement implied by the number of Irish workers.(91)

The Prince associated freely with his fellow officers, especially with the sociable if somewhat notorious Sir Philip Durham of the Salisbury.(92) One midshipman of the Salisbury, Joseph Yorke, later an Admiral,(93) described Durham as a bad influence upon the Prince while in St. John's.(94) We can only conjecture that this influence may have had some adverse effect upon the character trait which the Prince termed "my wildness." If this is the case, we may assume that it found expression in the notorious confrontation between William Henry and the Roman Catholic Prefect-Apostolic James Louis O'Donel.(95) O'Donel reported to Archbishop Troy of Dublin that he protested to the governor the Prince's treatment of Catholics in Placentia, in particular the strictures placed upon Father Burke.(96) The governor then allegedly tried to moderate the Prince's behaviour(97) -- but only in an indirect way as Governor Elliot's letter of 26 Aug. 1786 shows.(98) For this effort of restraint, O'Donel thought, he was physically attacked by William Henry. The Franciscan Recollect writes: "he insulted me with obscene language and with great violence he threw a heavy iron file at me from a window which, however, did not seriously injure me but only caused a slight wound upon one of my shoulders."(99) In a letter to Cardinal Antonelli in Rome which refers to the same incident, he adds that the Prince also uttered "threats of destruction" against him. "Fearing there would be an insurrection among the people if it were made known, not only did I remain silent but I did not even look back."(100) Nineteenth century legend develops this point and has the Prince placed in protective custody by the marines and whisked out of the harbour.(101) O'Donel's own account is more sober and continues with the Prefect-Apostolic's hiding. He feared that there was a plot by the Prince to kill him and consequently hid for twelve days in the attic of Mr. Gleeson's house, who also spread the rumour that O'Donel had fled to Portugal Cove. Gleeson, who seems to have had some intelligence to the effect that the Prince was going to burn down the chapel, "carried to his house under cover of night all the things of value belonging to [O'Donel] and to the chapel."(102)

As far as the historical veracity of events in O'Donel's account is concerned, one should distinguish between an attack by or in the presence of the Prince--the account to Antonelli allows for the possibility that O'Donel never saw his assailant(103)--and the assumption of a plot to murder the prelate.(104) The latter I would relegate to the realm of rumour, even if O'Donel had subjective certainty of the alleged plot. A conspiracy to murder is out of line with the Prince's character, the throwing of the file is not.

William Henry combined utmost strictness toward his crew with an uncontrolled volatility of character. Byam Martin remarks: "The strictness of the Prince as a captain, in his efforts to make us learn our duty, exacted so much as to be harassing, almost to torture, so that as growing boys we had scarcely strength for the work he took out of us."(105) In the West Indies, when the Prince came under the influence of Horatio Nelson and misunderstood his notions of naval order, this excessive and purely formal discipline greatly aggravated an already low morale among his crew. "Orders were daily issued of a nature frivolous in conception and vexatious in operation", writes the same Byam Martin.(106) Before the trip was over, his First Lieutenant had been arrested twice by the Prince over trivial matters, but through the efforts of the naval commander in the region managed to leave the ship's company without any stain on his record (he was even promoted),(107) his Third Lieutenant had changed ship as well,(108) his surgeon asked for a transfer,(109) and the idiosyncratic schoolmaster Meres, our painter of pastoral Placentia, had attempted to murder the Prince twice, once with a penknife, the second time with a large carving knife. The poor man was sent to a hospital in Antigua and from there to England.(110)

The Prince, a weak personality, sought to enforce loyalty by strictest discipline. This he felt all the more necessary in view of his parents' criticism over not showing the necessary "condescension" when associating so freely with the German noble rabble.(111)

If these examples illustrate the Prince's nearly sadistic discipline, the attack on a harmless German painter on this same trip exhibits what the Prince euphemistically termed "my wildness", and which his contemporaries described with the adjectives "volatile" or "explosive". "He had the full share", writes Fulford, "of that quick temper of the English Royal Family and made no effort whatever to control it."(112) In the West Indies, a German painter, with the words of Martin, "a man of pleasing address and unobtrusive manners, travelling quietly in search of scenery for a collection of paintings" had the misfortune of meeting the Prince. Invited to do his painting aboard the Pegasus, he incurred the wrath of His Royal Highness over a trifling matter, with the result of being savagely beaten by the Prince with a cat-o'-nine tails. Several hundred pounds saw to it, however, that the matter did not reach the courts.(113) The attack on O'Donel is thus fully within the realm of the possible, even if the assumption of a plot was the result of public fear based on explosive royal rhetoric.

O'Donel, and perhaps Elliot, breathed a sigh of relief when on 25 September the Prince, with orders to take a secret communication to Governor Sawyer in Halifax,(114) saluted the governor and shortly thereafter wrote in his log book: "ran thro' the Narrows and at Noon being clear of the South-head."


1. Roger Fulford, Hanover to Windsor (Glasgow: Fontana/Collins, 1960), 15. A critical biography of William IV is much needed; a useful modern sketch is that of Philip Ziegler, King William IV (London: Collins, 1971).

2. For a concise treatment of this period see DNB, Vol.21, 325-326.

3. Ziegler, King William IV, 39.

4. Prince William Henry [hereafter: PWH] to the Prince of Wales, 1 April 1785, The Correspondence of George, Prince of Wales 1770-1812, Vol. 1: 1770-1789, ed. by A. Aspinal (London: Cassell, 1963), 182.

5. Queen to PWH, [Early August 1785]; King to PWH, 8 Sept. 1785; Queen to PWH, 3 March 1786; The Later Correspondence of George III, Vol. 1: December 1783 to January 1793, ed. by A. Aspinal (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1962), 175-176, 185-186, 211-212.

6. PWH to the Prince of Wales, 10 Feb. 1786, Correspondence of George Prince of Wales, Vol. 1, 219.

7. The air of deference pervading the Prince's letters to his father is another expression of William Henry's dependence. His true feelings toward the pedagogical aims of the King are revealed in the letters to his brother George, such as the one of 16 February 1788, in which he wrote: "I understand the old boy is exceedingly out of humour ... Fatherly admonitions at our time of life are very unpleasant and of no use; it is a pity he should expend his breath or his time in such fruitless labour." PWH to the Prince of Wales, 16 Feb. 1788, Correspondence of George Prince of Wales, Vol. 1, 336.

8. PWH to the Prince of Wales, 10 Feb. 1786, Correspondence of George Prince of Wales, Vol. 1, 220.

9. PWH to the Prince of Wales, 20 Jan. 1786, Correspondence of George Prince of Wales, Vol. 1, 220.

10. See especially the correspondence of the Prince with Sarah Martin's father in Letters and Papers of the Admiral of the Fleet Sir Thos. Byam Martin, 3 Vols., edited by Richard Vesey Hamilton, Publications of the Navy Records Society, Vol. 24 (Greenwich: Navy Records Society, 1903), Vol. 1, 205-217.

It seems that the lack of entertainment in Newfoundland was to be appreciated by the Prince because here he could languish in his loss. To his brother he wrote from the West Indies: " Since I have been in Newfoundland, a country of no amusements, but there I was happy: at Halifax, a very gay and lively place full of women and those of the most obliging kind, I wished myself back to the inhospitable shores, foggy atmosphere and rugged barren cliffs of Newfoundland: and yet I mixed in the assemblies and balls in America: but the reason was that at Plymouth I was fond of a most lovely girl; with whom I constantly danced, & ever since every woman appears to me insipid." PWH to the Prince of Wales, Correspondence of George Prince of Wales, Vol. 1, 265.

11. Queen to PWH, 3 March 1786, Later Correspondence of George III, Vol. 1, 211.

12. Viscount Howe to King, 14 May 1786, Later Correspondence of George III, Vol. 1, 221.

13. PWH to the Prince of Wales, 20 May 1786, Correspondence of George Prince of Wales, Vol. 1, 226.

14. Ibid.

15. DNB, Vol. 9, 88-89.

16. PWH to King, 20 May 1787, The Later Correspondence of George III, Vol. 1, 290.

17. DNB, Vol. 17, 922-923.

18. DNB, Vol.

19. On Meres and the drawings in the log of the Pegasus see Archives of Canada Microfiches, Microfiches Nos. 4 and 5, ed. by Douglas E. Schoenherr (Ottawa: Public Archives of Canada, 1975-1976), No. 4, 1-18 and No. 5, 1-7.

20. Viscount Howe to King, 14 May 1786, Later Correspondence of George III, Vol. 1, 221-222; the act was 26 George III, Cap. 26 [22 May 1786].

21. Letters and Papers of Sir Thos. Byam Martin, Vol. 1, 29-32.

22. On the economic situation of Newfoundland after the war see C. Grant Head, Eighteenth Century Newfoundland: A Geographer's Perspective, The Carlton Library, Vol. 99 (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1976), 196-229 and chapter 9 of Keith Matthews, "A History of the West of England -- Newfoundland Fishery" (Oxford: unpublished D.phil. dissertation, 1968), 456- 493; see also Keith Matthews, Lectures on the History of Newfoundland: 1500-1830 (St. John's: Maritime History Group / Memorial University of Newfoundland, 1973), 179-255.

23. See A. H. McLintock, The Establishment of Constitutional Government in Newfoundland, 1783-1832: A Study of Retarded Colonisation, Imperial Studies, Vol. 17 (London, New York, Toronto: Longmans, Green, 1941), 26-77.

24. Where not specifically noted, the locations and daily activities during the stay of the Pegasus in Newfoundland are reconstructed from the ship's unpaginated log. The original of this log book, entitled "The Log Book of His Majesty's Ship Pegasus ...", is today in the Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa [Microfilm No. C-4848]. The volume, bound in two modern covers and 209 folios, bears an ex-libris from William IV's illegitimate son Lord Adolphus Fitzclarence [1802-1856], and contains 48 drawings of Newfoundland by James S. Meres. See Archives Canada Microfiches, No. 4, p.3. I wish to express my thanks to a former student of mine, Rodney Boyd, who transcribed the Newfoundland entries, and to my son Hans-Paul, who indexed these and other archival materials.

25. Captain Henry Harvey to PWH, 2 June 1786, National Maritime Museum [Greenwich]: LBK/33, Letter and Order Book of H.R.H. Prince William Henry, 1786-1788.

26. PWH to the Prince of Wales, 2 July 1786, Correspondence of George Prince of Wales, Vol. 1, 230-231.

27. Letters and Papers of Sir Thos. Byam Martin, Vol. 1, 32.

28. PWH to King, 21 Sept. 1786, Later Correspondence of George III, Vol. 1, 248.

29. PWH to King, 21 Sept. 1786, Later Correspondence of George III, Vol. 1, 248.

30. Ibid.

31. Ibid.

32. Ibid., 248-249.

33. Letters and Papers of Sir Thos. Byam Martin, Vol. 1, 33-34.

34. Ibid., 35-36.

35. The Times, 26 October 1786, p.2, col. c.

36. John Reeves, History of the Government of the Island of Newfoundland (London: J. Sewell, J. Debrett, J. Downes, 1793), 153-155; McLintock, The Establishment of Constitutional Government in Newfoundland, 53-55; Keith Matthews, Lectures on the History of Newfoundland, 131-139 and 199-208.

37. 10 & 11 William III, Cap. 25 [1698].

38. 10 & 11 William III, Cap. 25 (Reeves, Appendix, ii-xv):

4. " ... and in case any difference shall arise touching the said matters, the admirals of the respective harbours where such differences shall arise, or any two of them, shall proportion the place to the several ships in the several harbours they fish in, according to the number of boats which each of the said ships shall keep." (v)

14. And be it further enacted ... That the admirals of and in every port and harbour in Newfoundland, for the time being, be and are authorised and required (in order to preserve peace and good government amongst the seamen and fishermen, as well in their respective harbours, as on the shore) to see the rules and orders in this present act contained, concerning the regulation of the fishery there, duly put in execution; ..." (xii)

15. And be it further enacted ... ,That in case any difference or controversy shall arise in Newfoundland, or the islands thereunto adjoining, between the masters of fishing ships and the inhabitants there, or any by-boat keeper, for or concerning the right and property of fishing rooms, stages, flakes, or any other building or conveniency for fishing or curing of fish, in the several harbours or coves, the said differences, disputes and controversies, shall be judged and determined by the fishing admirals, in the several harbours and coves; and in case any of the said masters of fishing ships, by-boat keepers, or inhabitants, shall think themselves aggrieved by such judgement and determination, and shall appeal to the commanders of any of his Majesty's ships of war, appointed as convoys for Newfoundland, the said commander is hereby authorised and impowered to determine the same, pursuant to the regulation in this act. (Reeves, App., xii-xiii).

39. 10 & 11 William III, Cap. 25, Sect. 15.

40. 32 George III, Cap. 46 (Reeves, Appendix, civ-cxvi), "An act for establishing courts of judicature in the island of Newfoundland, and the islands adjacent":

2. And be it further enacted, That it shall be lawful for the governor of the island of Newfoundland, with the advice of such chief justice, from time to time, to institute courts of civil jurisdiction, to be called surrogate courts, in different parts of the island of Newfoundland, and of the islands aforesaid, as occasion shall require, with full power and authority to hear and determine, in the like summary way, all suits and complaints of a civil nature arising within the island of Newfoundland, and on the banks of Newfoundland; which courts shall respectively be courts of record, and shall determine according to the law of England, as far as the same can be applied to suits and complaints arising in the islands and places aforesaid; and the said courts respectively shall be holden by a surrogate, to be appointed from time to time by the governor of the said island, with the approbation of such chief justice, and shall have full power and authority to hear and determine all suits and complaints cognizable in the said court; and the said court shall have such clerks and ministerial officers, with such salaries as the chief justice shall appoint, which salaries shall be in lieu of all profits and emoluments whatever." (cv-cvi)

41. John Reeves, Report to the Committee for Trade, 4 Feb. 1793, PRO: Board of Trade, 1/8, fol. 55r.

42. PWH to King, 21 Sept. 1786, Later Correspondence of George III, Vol. 1, 249.

43. This Commission is contained in the Surrogate Court Records, Placentia, Vol. 2(12 April 1786 [sic; but obviously a dating mistake by the eighteenth-century copyist]), 195.

44. 26 George III, Cap. 26, Section 20 (Reeves, Appendix, liii-lxxxiii).

45. McLintock, The Establishment of Constitutional Government in Newfoundland, 29-33; Keith Matthews, "A History of the West of England -- Newfoundland Fishery," 484-487.

46. The following summary is based upon the Surrogate Court Records of Placentia. The textual tradition of these archival materials is as follows. 1. There exist in the Provincial Reference Library, Newfoundland Division [St. John's: Arts and Culture Centre], late-eighteenth-century and early-nineteenth-century copies (Call No. 340.9/N 4-5 [NR Vault]) of the complete records for the period covering Prince William's tenure as surrogate judge (Vol. 2[13 Sept. 1757-25 July 1786], 195-end; Vol. 3[8 Aug. 1786-29 Dec. 1803], 1-19). In the cold Winter of 1883, a Newfoundland tradesman and his apprentice saved these records from being burned at the Colonial Building. In 1934 they were acquired by the legendary Newfoundland antiquarian Nimshi Cole Cereme from a Mr. Bearns of St. John's and later came into the possession of the Provincial Reference Library. 2. Vandalized fragments from volume 2 of the original court book (25 July 1786-28 July 1786 [pp.194-200]) are preserved in the Public Archives of Newfoundland and Labrador in St. John's (GN 5/4/C1).

47. PWH to King, 21 Sept. 1786, Later Correspondence of George III, 249.

48. Surrogate Court Records, Placentia, Provincial Reference Library, Newfoundland Division, Vol. 3(26 Aug. 1786), 13.

49. E.g. 5 August: "Whereas a number of applications have been made to me by the inhabitants and bye boatkeepers for leave to build houses and grants for peices [sic] of beech[sic] I have absolutely refused the first and in order to prevent quarrelling [sic] and disturbance amongst the inhabitants & bye boatkeepers have ordered certain fronts to be measured from the water side & allotted [sic] according to the number of boats kept by each man on a part of the beach not wanted by fishing ships ..." (emphasis my own). Ibid., 204.

50. The latter case is even mentioned in the letter to the King; see PWH to King, 21 Sept. 1786, Later Correspondence of George III, Vol. 1, 249.

51. Surrogate Court Records, Placentia, Vol. 2(6 Aug. 1786), 206; Log of the Pegasus, vide 7 August 1786; PWH to King, 21 Sept. 1786, Later Correspondence of George III, 249, which links the swearing of allegiance with the previous riot.

52. John Elliot to PWH, 26 August 1786, NMM: LBK/33.

53. "Biography and Genealogy of Sir Alexander Willson" (St. John's: Centre for Newfoundland Studies / Memorial University of Newfoundland) is a manuscript volume about the magistrate at Placentia in 1786. It preserves, among other papers, a reminiscence of the riot and the speech of the Prince after the arrest and conviction of the rioters. Magistrate Willson (1759-after 1829) was a Scottish physician attached to the Royal Artillery in Newfoundland, went to Quebec in 1788, returned to England in 1796, later served in the Egyptian Army, became a Member of the London Hospital, joined in 1798 the Edinburgh Royal College of Physicians as a Fellow, was knighted in 1813, and in 1829 was residing in Bath. I am grateful to Mrs. Nancy Grenville for having directed my attention to this manuscript.

54. For the religious background of the following see Hans Rollmann, "Richard Edwards, John Campbell, and the Proclamation of Religious Liberty in Eighteenth-Century Newfoundland," Newfoundland Quarterly, Vol. 80(Fall 1984), No.2, 4-12.

55. Raymond J. Lahey, "Burke, Edmund," DCB, Vol. 5, 122-123.

56. Surrogate Court Records, Placentia, Vol. 2(28 July 1786), 201.

57. Ibid., Vol. 2(20 July 1786), 196.

58. See e.g. G[eorge] N. Wright, The Life and Reign of William the Fourth, 2 vols (London and Paris: Fisher, 1837), Vol. 2, 593-597.

59. Fulford, Hanover to Windsor, 34.

60. For literature consult the article in footnote 54.

61. The Prince observed "that more respect and regard is shown him, by the lower class of inhabitants, and the servants in the fishery, than either the surrogate himself or any of the justices of the peace." PWH to Governor Elliot, 22 Aug. 1786, as contained in the Surrogate Court Records, Placentia, Vol. 3(22 August 1786), 9.

62. PWH to King, 21 Sept. 1786, Later Correspondence of George III, Vol. 1, 249: " ... the magistrate & principal merchants of the Bay presented memorials to be forwarded to the Governor concerning the alarming groth [sic] of Popery ..." See also SPG Journal, vol. 24(19 Jan. 1787), 370-72.

63. Surrogate Court Records, Placentia, Vol. 3(19 Aug. 1786), 7; John Elliot to PWH, 26 August 1786, NMM: LBK/33.

64. For the following see the article cited in footnote 54.

65. Ibid., 9.

66. Price to S.P.G., 30 Nov. 1784, C/Can I, No. 68[69]; cf. S.P.G. Journal, Vol. 24(18 Feb. 1785), 83.

67. Surrogate Court Records, Placentia, Vol. 3(19 Aug. 1786; 4 Sept. 1786), 7 and 18; SPG Journal, vol. 24(19 Jan. 1787), 370-72.

68. Surrogate Court Records, Placentia, Vol. 2(25 July 1786), 197-198; Vol. 3(10 Aug. 1786), 3; Vol. 3(12[17] Aug. 1786), 4.

69. The constables Murphy (Roman Catholic) and St. Croix (Anglican) were replaced on 25 July with three new ones. When the Prince found out later that of the new constables one, John Miller, was a Roman Catholic, Miller was dismissed from office "in consequence of his declaring he was a Catholick." See Surrogate Court Records, Placentia, Vol. 2(25 July 1786), 197 and Vol. 3(12[17] August 1786), 4.

70. John Elliot to PWH, 26 Aug. 1786; NMM: LBK/33. One other crew member of the Pegasus received a discharge while in Newfoundland, the seaman Simon Rumbold; see John Elliot to PWH, 20 Sept. 1786, NMM: LBK/33.

71. William H. Whitely,"The Establishment of the Moravian Mission in Labrador and British Policy, 1763-83", Canadian Historical Review (March 1964), 29-50.

72. John Elliot to PWH, 26 Aug. 1786, NMM: LBK/33, 2-3.

73. See the article cited in footnote 54 which is specifically devoted to this topic.

74. Ibid., 3.

75. On O'Donel see Raymond J. Lahey, James Louis O'Donel in Newfoundland 1784-1807: The Establishment of the Roman Catholic Church, Newfoundland Historical Society Pamphlet, No. 8, edited by Shannon Ryan and G. M. Story (St. John's: Harry Cuff, 1984).

76. Ibid., 3-4.

77. PWH to King, 21 Sept. 1786, Later Correspondence of George III, Vol. 1, 250; Surrogate Court Records, Placentia, Vol. 3(19 Aug. 1786), 7; 3(26 Aug. 1786), 13; 3(2 Sept. 1786), 18.

78. Surrogate Court Records, Placentia, Vol. 3(19 Aug. 1786), 7.

79. PWH to King, 21 Sept. 1786, Later Correspondence of George III, 250; Surrogate Court Records, Placentia, Vol. 3(19 Aug. 1786), 7; Vol. 3(22 Aug. 1786), 10; Vol. 3(4 Sept. 1786), 18; S.P.G. Journal, Vol. 24(19 Jan.1787), 370-372.

80. PWH to Governor Elliot, 22 Aug. 1786, in Surrogate Court Records, Placentia, Vol. 3(22 Aug. 1786), 9-10.

81. John Elliot to PWH, 26 Aug. 1786, NMM: LBK/33, 5; Surrogate Court Records, Placentia, Vol. 3(4 Sept. 1786), 18.

82. Ibid.

83. SPG Journal, Vol. 24(19 Jan. 1787), 370-72.

84. SPG Journal, Vol. 25(19 Jan. 1787), 76.

85. S.P.G., C Series, Vol. 11/24-25(25 Nov. 1845), 1-7.

86. Letters and Papers of Sir Thos. Byam Martin, Vol. 1, 43.

87. PWH to King, 21 Sept. 1786, Later Correspondence of George III, Vol. 1, 251.

88. Ibid.

89. Ibid.

90. Ibid.

91. On this point see page 10 of the article cited in footnote 54.

92. On Durham see DNB, Vol. 6, 256-258; see also Letters and Papers of Sir Thos. Byam Martin, Vol. 1, 30 and 43.

93. Ibid., 48.

94. See Later Correspondence of George III, Vol. 1, 251, fn. 1.

95. For the following see O'Donel to Troy, 30 Nov. 1786 and O'Donel to Antonelli, 18 Dec. 1789 [sic], in Cyril J. Byrne (ed.), Gentlemen-Bishops and Faction Fighters: the Letters of Bishops O Donel, Lambert, Scallan and Other Irish Missionaries (St. John's: Jesperson Press, 1984), 59-60 and 93.

96. Ibid., 59 and 93.

97. Ibid.

98. John Elliot to PWH, 26 Aug. 1786, NMM: LBK/33; cf. also the adulatory tone of the remaining correspondence, e.g., Governor Elliot to PWH, 27 Aug. 1786, PANL: GN 2/1/A, Vol. 11, 42-45: "Your Royal Highness will permit me to embrace this opportunity of conveying to you my thanks for the very great attention paid by your Royal Highness to such minute points of your duty [when dealing with the disabled Dutch brig] and of acknowledging the regularity and propriety with which this particular business has been transacted by your Royal Highness." (44-45).

99. Byrne (ed.), Gentlemen-Bishops and Faction Fighters, 59.

100. Ibid., 93.

101. M[ichael] F[rancis] Howley, Ecclesiastical History of Newfoundland (Boston: Doyle and Whittle, 1888), 195.

102. Byrne (ed.), Gentlemen-Bishops and Faction Fighters, 59-60 and 93.

103. O'Donel writes that after receiving his shoulder wound through a file thrown from a window, he "did not even look back" for fear of an insurrection among the people. (ibid., 93).

104. Ibid., 59 and 93.

105. Letters and Papers of Sir Thos. Byam Martin, Vol. 1, 25.

106. Ibid., 70.

107. See especially B. McL. Ranft, "Prince William and Lieut. Schomberg, 1787-1788," The Naval Miscellany, Vol. 4, ed. by Christopher Lloyd, Publications of the Navy Records Society, Vol. 92 (Greenwich: Navy Records Society, 1952), 267-293.

108. PWH to King, 20 May 1786, Later Correspondence of George III, Vol. 1, 292.

109. PWH to King, 4 July 1787, in ibid., 310.

110. Letters and Papers of Sir Thos. Byam Martin, Vol. 1, 57-60.

111. The Prince had written to his father after receiving the command of the Pegasus: "The necessity in my military capacity of keeping the officers inferior to myself at a proper distance I plainly see, yet this is to be done without pride." PWH to King, 23 May 1786, Later Correspondence of George III, Vol. 1, 224. The latter was in response to his mother's criticism of William Henry's behaviour in Germany. She had reproached him with these words:

... did you really set your value upon your person that proceeds from judgment, you would have shewn proper submission to your superiors in office and condescension to inferiors, but not familiarized yourself with the is not a cold civility or haughtiness of manner that means good breeding, no that will be construed in something worse, which is pride. True good breeding requires a steady and uniform civility to everybody according to their different situation in life ...

Queen to PWH, 3 March 1786, in ibid., 211/12.

112. Roger Fulford, Hanover to Windsor, 26.

113. Letters and Papers of Sir Thos. Byam Martin, Vol. 1, 70-71.

114. John Elliot to PWH, 10 Sept. 1786, NMM: LBK/33.

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